quainted him how narrowly I efcaped from them. And yet I had brought him a blue ring from a faire Lady, that I hoped would give him affurance of the truth that I had reported. He tooke it, and looked upon it, and faid, 'It is enough: I know by this you are a true meffenger. Then giving command I fhould want nothing, he fent for his chirurgions to attend mee, and, when I kiffed his hand at my departure, he faid to mee these gracious words: I know you have loft a neere kinfewoman, and a loving miftreffe; but take here my hand, I will be as good a master to you, and will requite this fervice with honour and reward.' The next morning, my Lord Hume was fent from the King to bid mee afke what he fhould do for mee, and it should be granted. I defired my Lord to fay to his Majeftie, that I had no reafon to importune him for any fuite, for that I had not as yet done him any fervice: But my humble requeft was, to admitt mee a Gentleman of his Bedchamber, and hereafter, if he faw mee worthy, I should not want to tafte of his bounty. His Majefty fent mee word back, With all his heart, I fhould have my request.' And, the next time I came to Court, I was called at night into his Bedchamber; and, being fworne one of the Gentlemen of it, I prefently helped to take off his clothes, and stayed till he was in bed. After this, there came daily Gentlemen and Noblemen from our Court, and the King fett downe a fixed day for his departure towards London.

Now was I to beginne a newe worlde; for, by the King's coming to the crowne, my office of Wardenry ceased. I onely relied on God and the King. The one never left mee; the other, fhortly after his coming to London, deceived my expectation, and adhered to thofe that fought my ruin: For I was difcharged of the Bedchamber, and I could not help it; those that ruled the helme had fo refolved it: And, whereas I was promifed 100 pounds per annum in fee farme, it was cut short to 100 markes. Thus all things went croffe with mee, and patience was my best companion.

This continued till the Queene came up, which was the next fummer. My wife waited on her, and, at Windfor, was fworne of her Privy Chamber. This was fome comfort to mee, and I beftirred myfelfe, and charged the King with his promife, but could do no good.

feffion of it. My Lord Cecill was umpire between us: He offered 5000l. I held it at 7000: 6000 was agreed upon, which was truly paid, and did mee more good than if I had kept Norham. God putt it into my minde to go from thence to Dumferlyn, to fee the King's fecond (7) fonne; and, when he was the next fummer brought up to the King and Queene, they were very glad to fee their young fonne, and the Queene made choice of my wife to have the care and keeping of the Duke. Those who wished mee no good were glad of it, thinking that, if the Duke fhould die in our charge (his weaknesse being fuch as gave them great caufe to fufpect it) then it would not be thought fitt, that wee fhould remaine in Court after. The Duke was past foure yeares old, when he was first delivered to my wife; he was not able to go, nor fcant ftand alone, he was fo weake in his jointes, and especially in his ankles, infomuch as many feared they were out of joint. Yet God fo bleffed him, both with health and firength, that he proved daily ftronger and stronger. Many a battaile my wife had with the King, but the ftill prevailed. The King was defireous that the string under his tongue should be cutt, for he was fo long beginning to fpeak as hee thought hee would never have spoke. Then he would have him put in iron bootes, to ftrengthen his finews and joints; but my wife protefted fo much againft them both, as he gott the victory, and the King was faine to yeeld. My wife had the charge of him from a little paft foure, till he was almost eleven yeare old; and it was refolved by fome of my ill withers, that I should leave his fervice, when my wife went from him.

I

To that end, there was a Scotch Gentleman, of great learning and very good worth, fent for out of Ireland from his fervice there, to be placed as chiefe Gouvernour over the Duke, both in his Bedchamber and over his Household: And for that I had ferved him long, they would not cleane difmiffe me, but I should be of his Bedchamber ftill, and Keeper of his Privy Purfe. Prince Henry was the chief inftrument towards this Gentleman's preferment; but, upon my humble femonftrance of the matter, the Prince was at laft fatisfied with me, and I was fworne Chiefe Gentleman of the Bedchamber and Master of the Robes; and the other, Gentleman of the Bedchamber, Mafter of the Privy Purfe, and Surveyor General of his lands.

I was fettled as I defired, and had the favour and good opinion of the King, and regained my credit with Prince Henry, (7) King Charles I.

that,

that, maugre the malice of fome neere about him, he thought me honeft and faithfull to the King, himfelfe, and his brother: And daily more and more I found the Prince to conceive better and better of mee. But the hopes I had of him did quickly vanish, for, within two yeares after, it pleafed God to call to his mercy that hopefull and brave Prince, that was a terror to his enemies, and a fure anchor to his friends: And that imall time he lived here, he employed it fo worthily, as the lofs of him was fo greivous to all the fubjects of this island, that no expreffion of furrow could enough manifeft their griefe.

The Duke by fucceffion was then Prince; and, before I could imagine any mischiefe to be plotted against me, there was a fure groundwork layd (as they thought) to fupplant mee from being his Chamberlaine at his creation, when he was Prince of Wales. But God did raife up the Queene to take my part, and by her meanes the ftorme against mee was brought to nought; and at the Prince's creation, which was at Michaelmaffe, in 1616, I was fworne the Prince's Chamberlaine, and continued of his Bed

chamber.

Within foure yeares after, or thereabouts, the Queene dyed; her houfe diffolved, and my wife was forced to keep house and family, which was out of our way a thoufand pounds a year that wee faved before. Not long after, by my Mafter's meanes, the King made me Baron of Leppington. Two years after, the Prince and my Lord of Buckingham went from Theobalds to New-hall; but the firft newes that we heard was, that they were gone for Spain. This made a great hub bub in our Court, and in all England befides. I was appointed to go after him by fea, and to carry fuch fervants of his with mee, as the Prince had left word fhould come after, and fuch others as the King allowed. We fett faile from Portfmouth, and, landing at St. Andero's in Biscay, came to Madrid in fixe dayes after. There Itayed about a month with the Prince, by which time he found, that his ftay there Would be longer than he expected. He

confidered my yeares, and feared the heate of the yeare, coming faft on, would much distemper mee, and therefore perfuaded mee to retourne for England, and fent a great many of his fervants back with mee. Wee retourned in the fhip we came, and landed at Portland in Dorfetfhire. There I tooke poft, and came to Greenwich to the King.

At Michaelmaffe after, to the comfort of all true English hearts, the Prince landed at Portsmouth. After this, the match was broken off with Spaine, and a treaty in France for the King's youngest fifter. Many to's and fro's there were before it was concluded. Two yeares or more were fpent in this affair, and, when it was come to a full point of agreement on all parts, the King fell fick of a tertian ague at Theobalds, and, to the griefe of all true hearts, died of that fickneffe the 27th day of March, in the 22d yeare of his reigne.

And now beganne afresh, in my old yeares, new troubles; for I was discharged of my office of Chamberlaine; but the King dealt very gracioufly with mee, and gave to mee, and my heires for ever, 500l. per annum in fee farme, which was a good fatisfaction for the loffe of my office; and efpecially because I continued my place of Gentleman of the Bedchamber.

In May after, the King went to Dover to meete his new Queene, and, by the time he came back with her to Whitehall, the plague grew fo hott in London, as none, that could tell how to get out of it, would ftay there. The King and Queene removed to Hampton Court. The infection grew hotter and hotter. The Parliament was removed to Oxford. The plague grew hott there too, fo that, what for that and other difcontents, the Parliament was diffolved. Towards Michaelmaffe the plague beganne to decrease; and I heard after Chriftimaffe a new Parliament was to beginne the 8th of February, and that the King was to be crowned at Westminster, the 6th thereof, in 1626. I retourned to Court; and, among others that the King pleafed to give honours to, at his coronation, I was created Earle of Monmouth.

and Contempt of Riches, four Qualifica and exemplified in the Character and Con

country, how far they interfere with, or may be obstructed by thofe of other nations; wherein his own ftrength confifts, and the weakness of his enemy lies; where he can act with effect, and where an impreffion

can

can eafieft be made upon his adversary; where he may hazard least, and where the enemy can fuffer most.

In the next place, he muft proportion his care to his defigns, he must be active and lofe no opportunities, he muft watch every incident, and provide for every contingency, fo far as human prudence can forefee; he must be diligent, and not waste that time on himself and his pleasures, which is due to the public.

But befdes this policy, that becomes neceffary from apprehenfions of our enemies, there is another kind, that relates to the interior government of the people, that is, to provide for their peace and contentment, by fecuring to them their juft liberties, and guarding them not only from the oppreffion and wrong of others, but by putting it out of their power, in fome cafes, to hurt themfelves; to restrain licentiousness, and cut off, as much as may be, the occafion of the corruption of their morals.

Another part of political knowledge, is, to endeavour to make the great weight of taxes and impofitions as light to the fubject, as may be; that the people may pay them with chearfulness, when they find, that, however burthenfome they may be, yet they are necessary to their own welfare; but the matter of the greatest confequence, to keep them easy and satisfied under this load, is to let them fee, that they are not carelessly fquandered away, but laid out with judgment, and managed with frugality and integrity. In fhort, the knowledge, proper to a Statesman, is that good understanding, joined to experience, which enables him to provide for the good government, the glory, and the profperity of his country.

Let us bring Mr. P-'s conduct to this rule, and examine, how far he has fhewn this knowledge as a Statesman. But let us ecollect firft, what were the circumftances, what the fituation we were in, when he entered upon the administration.

-Our fleets had fled before our enemies; the fortress of Mahon and island of Minorca taken; our troops defeated in North America, and, on which fide foever you looked upon our affairs, they carried a melancholy and diftreffed afpect. The national reputation loft, the honour of the navy bafely given up, together with the repeated unfuccefs of our affairs in America, had extinguished the ardor, and damped the confidence that used to be the characteristic of an Englishman.-I do not mean that confidence that unadvisedly prefumes on the weakness of an enemy, but that confidence that arises from a perfuafion and feeling of

our national virtue and bravery. Th was then hardly fpirit enough left us ev to hope that matters might be recovere fuch was the dejection that reigned unive fally.—And so great was the confternatio that the pilots at the helm were at a fta for fome time, while the great ship of t public drove, the sport of every wind. Su then was our fituation in the beginnin of the year 1757, when Mr. P. came in bufinefs.

The first thing he did, was to infult t coaft of France with a great armamen which alarmed the whole country, and em ployed 100,000 men in different parts their country to watch their motions, an be prepared for their descent; which, b fome means not neceffary to be mentione here, was not carried into execution.—Bu unfuccessful as it was in this point, it how ever made fuch a diverfion as the Frenc affairs in America foon felt the effect of and from which period the rapidity of thei fucceffes began to receive the first check.

The wisdom of this meafure was fo ob vious, and so agreeable to our naval ftrength which, by appearing on the enemy's coaft would keep in perpetual alarm and fatigue 100,000 men, not knowing where to expect the descent, that it is furprifing it had not been practised before. But, I know not how, nor for what reason, it was certainly a maxim in the mouths of fome men, at that time, That we must not provoke France,' Such a complaifance as this to our enemy plainly fhews the timidity of thofe Councils, that had not firmness or conftancy enough to purfue, what they knew was right, with refolution and vi gour.

Let us now turn our eyes towards the actions of the year 1758, which, by their events, we may dare to pronounce, were planned with judgment, and executed with bravery. In the month of June an expedition was fitted out against the French coaft, which gave fuch an alarm, as produced its defired effect, by making a powerful diverfion, and causing a recal of part of the French army in Germany; after the departure of which, they never attempted any thing of importance, though twice the num ber of the allies. The storm fell upon St. Malo, where we deftroyed upwards of an hundred fhips, a great part of which were privateers, that had been a perpetual annoyance to our trade; the reft were merchant

men.

The next attempt was upon Cherburg, where we demoli ed that bafon, which was contrived to hold a fufficient naval armament,

mament, that might run upon our coafts in a few hours time, and make a defcent before it was poffible to prevent it.

The books relating to the expence of buiding that work, fell into the hands of fome of our Officers at that time, by which it appeared, that it had coít, in a few years, a fum equal to 1,200,000l. fterling.

The importance of this blow was not only confiderable by the damage done the enemy, but it gave life and fpirit to our people; it made them feel their own legs again, and look a Frenchman in the face, without any of thofe apprehenfions, that had grown out of our paft ill fucceffes. It was then we faw cannon and colours, trophies taken off the walls of our enemies carried in triumph. A spectacle this gene ration was a ftranger to.

Soon after this, we took the gum fettlement of Senega in Africa, by which means we not only fupply our own manufactures with this valuable drug, before bought from our enemies at their own price; but, if we can keep it, we fhall be able to furnish all Europe, as the French did before, and bring thence a large revenue into the kingdom.

The next operation of this year was as glorious as it was important. It was the taking of Louisburg and the island of Cape Breton, and taking or deftroying fix men of war of the line, and five frigates. -The island of St. John, the magazine of their northern fettlements; and Cafpey, the ftorehouse of their winter ftock of fish, which when it was burnt by Sir Charles Hardy, amounted to the value of 60,000l. English. We pass over the particulars of the taking Fort Frontenac and Fort du Quefne, either of which, a few years ago, would fingly have been fufficient to have marked down that year as glorious, in which it had happened.

But as if nothing was enough, while we had time to do more, two other armaments were fitted out; the fuccefs of that to Goree we have lately had an account of; and we truft that the fame wisdom and spirit that has animated all the undertakings of the laft year, will bring the other to a happy iffue.

But as if fuch a number of expeditions, and fuch a series of victories were not fufficient for the courfe of one year preparations have been made for ftriking the last ftroke at Quebec, as foon as the paffage is open and freed from the ice.-And, if we can cut off that head of the dragon, all the members will fall in course, and North America be reduced in a few months, which a year or two ago was thought to be the work

of an age, if ever practicable. All this every man in England knows to be true.

We have thus far feen in Mr. P― that political knowledge (from the effects of it, which are the best proof) that in a year's time has extorted from our enemies a confeffion of our fuperiority at fea. We have seen their navy more than half destroyed or taken, their coafts infulted, their harbours blocked up, their forts demolished, their fettlements feized,-their trade almost ruined-their finances so exhausted by foreign fubfidies, as not to have fufficient for their own ufes-fuch revolutions in their Miniftry in the cabinet, fuch fuperfeding of their Generals in the field-In short, fuch a derangement and confufion in their affairs, as do honour to the wisdom of our counfels, and the vigour of our late operations.

It must be owned indeed, that all this is attended with great, very great expences. But even this is wifdom-for every man muft acknowledge, that it is better to make our utmost efforts for two or three years, than be spinning on an unsuccessful war for fix or seven. The expence in the main is the fame, or perhaps lefs-but the fruits and confequences very different-for by the bleffing of God on our arms, we have done and fhall do more in two or three years by these means, and acting in earnest, than was done in the laft war in feven, at the expence of fixty millions, or ever would have been done, had we gone on in the fame fauntring way without object-without plan.-But it is to be expected, above all, that as the French are now come even to beg peace, when we grant it, we fhall give it upon fuch fubftantial and permanent fecurity, as will put it out of their power ever to dif turb it again in that quarter.—If Mr. P— can gain this for his country, he will give them a good account of their millions.

But there are abilities of another kind

also to be expected in a Statefman, I mean fuch as regard the interior polity of the Government he has the direction of.-And here I fhall only hint at thofe bills, that, in the two laft feffions of Parliament, either passed or were intended to pafs into laws, for the ease, the security, and the fafety of the subject.

It was thought by fome, that, in an ifland and conftitution fuch as ours is, we might ufe our regular forces with more effect and advantage, if we were to train up a certain number of militia, that, in their absence, fhould replace the garrifons, guard the coafts, and be ready upon any fudden emergency, to go out in defence of their property and families. And, as this carried all the appearance of public utility, many con

fiderable

fiderable men defired a law to this effect. Mr. Secretary P-not only approved of the measure, as a private man, but at the firft opportunity fupported it as a Minister, and gave it all the weight and affiftance, that a matter of fuch confequence, preffed by two thirds of the nation, required.

The next public ftep he took, was a defign to fecure the fubject from vexatious imprifonments, by fettling the Habeas corpus act upon fuch a footing, as might extend to all cafes, and not be confined by the interpretations of lawyers, to ferve only fuch purposes as pleafed them.

There is nothing so valuable to a man, as the liberty of his perfon, without which all other enjoyments would lofe their relish. -It is this that diftinguishes the happiness of an Englishman from all the other fubjects in the world.-Nothing but felony, high treafon, and murder can take away his liberty. It is for this end that the Governor is as much confined by law, as the governed; no arbitrary power can operate in this cafe. This was the great object of Magna Charta, the petition of right in the time of Charles the First, and the declaration of right at the revolution.-But when it was found that the effect of this excellent provifion was to depend upon the decifions of lawyers, and the operation of it to be directed by their opinions, it was thought proper, to prevent any ill ufes that might be drawn from the vague and doubtful conftruction of it, to give it a new form, and make it fo explicit and declaratory, that no chicanery of the law, no minifterial influence in times future, fhould ever be able to endanger this precious and valuable right of the fubject, or render the Habeas corpus act, the great bulwark of it, ineffectual and ufelefs. But, as a matter of this confequence required the utmost deliberation, it was put off to this feffion, when we are to expect a bill for that purpofe, drawn by a moft judicious and able hand.

The provifion for the better payment of the navy was another inftance of his care and concern for the public. Finding a great defect in the adminiftration of the navy, which arofe from the want of a fufficient ftock of feamen to be ready to man oar fhips, when wanted; and apprehending this to be occafioned, in fome mea. fure, by the delays in payment of the feamen's wages till the return of each refpective fhip, which fometimes happens (efpecially in Eat-India voyages) not to be in five or fix years; during which time, the wives of thefe failors have not been able to get any fucfiftence for themfelves and fami

lies:-Upon thefe confiderations, he cau a bill to be brought into Parliament, the allowance of part of a failor's wa to be paid, if required, to his family home, whilft he is employed in the ferv of his country abroad..

the

Under fuch encouragements as failors will not enter into the fervice of navy with such reluctance as formerly; E caufe they fee, that now they are not wor ing for nothing, as they used to call it, b that their children were to be brought and fed by the fruit of their fathers 1 bours-Whilft these useful men are th tenderly dealt with, and treated with fuc confideration, as is undoubtedly due to the importance, we may hope never to want fufficient naval ftrength to affert the domi nion of the feas, and answer all the othe ends required by a maritime country; be fides, while proper care is taken to fuppl his pay, which is the only object of th failor, there will be no fear of his going ove to our enemies, to gain that livelihood, that he would chufe to earn in the service of his own country. The importance, therefore, of every able feaman, to his country, will justify the measure taken to ascertain him his reward, and thereby engage him to the public, whenever he may be wanted.

We come next to the fecond qualification of a Statesman; and, as the first was to be able to take good measures,' the next is to be qualified to speak to them.'

Plutarch tells a story of Julius Cæsar: That, one day, when Cicero was to make a defence of Ligarius, he faid to fome of his friends, Come, let us go and hear Cicero, though it fhall not fave Ligarius.— But no fooner had the Orator begun his fpeech, but he felt himself fenfibly affected; bye-and-bye he changed colour; and, in the courfe of the harangue, was at last so agitated and overcome, that he dropped, unknowingly, the papers he had in his hand, through attention and furprise, and was forced to acquit Ligarius in fpite of himself.

*

We have feen as wonderful effects of oratory among ourselves, and our English Demagogues have been obliged to confels the force of Mr. P's eloquence. -How oft have they come, like Cæfar, to oppose and condemn what, before they departed, they were obliged to approve and confirm!

-What must have been the force of that addrefs, that could make men drop, not only their papers, but their attachments; let go, not only their defigns, but their animofities, forget, not only their prejudices, but their interefts!- -How powerful the

inchant