article contains, with other equally authentic information derived from our own peculiar sources, to be able to throw some light upon a subject both of scientific and of political import ance. The Austrian empire falls into two grand political divisions. The twelve German, Slavonian and Italian provinces are governed nearly according to the same principles. The emperor is absolute lord and master in these; and although the form of approving the sums demanded of them is still annually kept up by the 'Landstände,' or estates of each province, yet the sanction of these provincial representatives is never required to any other law, nor would their protest, even in this point, be of the slightest avail. Our readers do not require to be reminded that this state of things is supported by a standing army of, at the lowest figure, 470,000 men, and by the exertions of 100,000 civil servants, who count the majority of the educated classes in their ranks. If the mode of representation by estates or classes of the inhabitants (magnates, prelates, knights, burghers), in preference to the representation according to territorial divisions, which is common in the west of Europe, points to those ancient times when a caste-like association and classification was indispensable, to lend force enough to the elements of civilization to resist the influence of barbarism; the circumstance that a government, whose financial resources are not at present extraordinary, can find half a million of men not unwilling to serve with docility for the pay and immunities which it can give, would seem to indicate a low value of labour and a reduced standard for the necessities of life, which in the west of Europe belongs to a period of equal antiquity with the former. In juxtaposition with these thirteen provinces, and almost surrounded by them, lie Hungary and Transylvania, containing one-third of the population of the empire, and presenting a different picture. The representation of the people preserves, in these provinces, the mixed character which it bears in England. The upper house, or chamber of magnates, is composed of the peers and prelates, but the lower house is formed of territorial representatives, for the limitation in the qualification for representing counties to the noblesse or lesser nobility is no restriction in a country where this title is so widely spread and so easily obtained. The representation is in these countries no empty form that has outlived its destination, and rejected all regeneration from modern systems. Like our Saxon ancestors, the Hungarian comes armed to the place to which his sovereign summons him, and although the right of voting is deferred to the actual representatives, yet no man that wears a sword allows, that he can be excluded from intermixing with the deputies, or from joining in the public expressions of assent or dissent which follow the remarkable speeches. It is his duty as well as his desire to give heed to the manner in which the deputy acts up to the instructions with which his constituents have furnished him, and keeps the promises made upon the hustings. A doubt raised at home as to his sincerity will often suffice to occasion his recal. On occasions of regal state, the king appears surrounded by his barons on horseback, and these assemblies again remind one of the Champs de Mai of the Franks. But the discrimina tion which caused the Hungarians to retain the customs of these great European tribes, each in the sphere in which it was most serviceable, cannot be attributed to blind chance alone. Some credit is due to the nation for that selection which has preserved its constitutional forms amidst the decay of those of its neighbours; and we may also recollect that at an early period the Hungarians were the only people of Europe who refused to join in the absurdities of the Crusades. On this difference in the political institutions of these two portions of the empire, depends, in the first place, the knowledge of the domestic details of parishes and families which the government is able to obtain. In the conscribed provinces as they are called, from the exact enumeration made in them of the population for the military conscription, these details are perhaps more extended and more accurate than the returns of any other country. The control of a numerous body of civilians over a scattered population, for which they perform all the functions of law and administration, concentrating the legal, county and parochial jurisdiction, is so complete, that on the main points, beyond an occasional slip of the pen, it is not possible to err. The parish clergy are moreover responsible for the performance of any ceremony without the prescribed notification to the authorities, as are also physicians, midwives, presenta sers Turntes, pres. 1 Teece u de representation 45308. Tas summon in the west 27.75-2820SG set cast-ce associSEC. uendice enough #ers. I sss the indinence of barace. Teamssunce sur & gvement, whose financial DC I TESSI SODINY can find half a TNTg a sve un oeility for the pay "aaangre, vou seem to indicate a I wore smiri for the necessities 1 MENISSANE se iureen provinces, and almost Com je Hunger mi Transylvania, containKone empire, and presenting Ce ersantion of the people SITES Z DUS VS Te mixed character which 1 Sarine. The mer use, or chamber of wpuste peers mi prelates, but t widely spread and so easily obtained. The representation is in these countries no empty form that has outlived its destination, and rejected all regeneration from modern systems. Like our Saxon ancestors, the Hungarian comes armed to the place to which his sovereign summons him, and although the right of voting is deferred to the actual representatives, yet no man that wears a sword allows, that he can be excluded from intermixing with the deputies, or from joining in the public expressions of assent or dissent which follow the remarkable speeches. It is his duty as well as his desire to give heed to the manner in which the deputy acts up to the instructions with which his constituents have furnished him, and keeps the promises made upon the hustings. A doubt raised at home as to his sincerity will often suffice to occasion his recal. On occasions of regal state, the king appears surrounded by his barons on horseback, and these assemblies again remind one of the Champs de Mai of the Franks. But the discrimination which caused the Hungarians to retain the customs of these great European tribes, each in the sphere in which it was most serviceable, cannot be attributed to blind chance alone. Some credit is due to the nation for that selection which has preserved its constitutional forms amidst the decay of those of its neighbours; and we may also recollect that at an early period the Hungarians were the only people of Europe who refused to join in the absurdities of the Crusades. On this difference in the political institutions of these two portions of the empire, denends, in the first place, the knowledge of the domestic f parishes and families which etc. Nor are the controls of a fiscal nature over property less frequent and complete. The grand survey of the empire by the engineers is complete in its outline although not in the details; but so minute is the estimate of the extent of the property of each individual, and of its produce, that it may be prophesied, when the map is finished, there will be but little difference found between the measured and the estimated statement. The returns of the occupations of the inhabitants is required to be no less exact in its details, as forming the basis on which the industry-tax is levied. It may be observed that every occupation of an industrial description is carried on by special license from the crown; nor can any change take place, or any addition to a man's trading sphere be attempted, without the consent of the authorities. Respecting Hungary and Transylvania, no such accurate information has been gathered as was furnished by the other provinces. The ill-timed attempts of Joseph II. to introduce reforms into those countries in an unconstitutional manner, without the consent of the diets, awakened a suspicion against all innovations and inquiries instituted by the government, which has lost but little of its force in consequence of the recent unhesitating acknowledgment of the national form of government in Hungary by the Austrians. If a conciliating policy be adhered to, which there is now every reason to expect, this jealousy will doubtless subside; but at present all the knowledge which the government possesses regarding Hungary dates from enumerations and estimates made under the Emperor Joseph II. The first took place in 1786, and, as its inaccuracy was evident, a second was instituted in 1787. Singularly enough, the difference between these two estimates has been assumed as showing the increase in the population within the year, and has furnished a standard for calculating the state of the population ever since. There exist no means of accurately determining how far these calculations are now erroneous, but writers on the statistics of Hungary who have taken pains to obtain the best information, differ by several millions from the government estimate. Thus the estimate of Fenyes rates the population of Hungary at between 8,000,000 and 9,000,000, while the tables assign 11,727,439 as the amount for 1837. |