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the theory of standing armies in the pay of the crown was fully developed, and after which this scourge of mankind was for the first time submitted to by the nations of Europe, the emperor was far from being absolute monarch in what were then called his household states. Each province was represented by the peers, prelates and knights. Citizens were afterwards admitted, and in Tyrol the small free- and copyholders (Bauern) took part in deliberations which were no mockery of constitutional forms. The sums voted, even in the most pressing exigencies, and the supplies of troops were carefully weighed, according to the powers of the provinces. The old house of the Estates, which has but just been taken down, at Vienna, bore a remarkable testimony to the share in public life taken some centuries back by the nobles of Austria. In the stirring times of the Reformation the Protestant and Catholic parties were so nicely balanced, that it was thought fit, for the preservation of the public peace, to construct a second staircase leading to the chamber of meeting. The Catholic party used to mount one on the left side of the building as the court was entered, the Protestants appropriated that on the right side to their use. Another proof is recorded in the privileges of a cuirassier regiment of the Austrian army, which has the exclusive right to pass through

, the imperial palace with its band playing. When the Emperor Ferdinand was besieged in his palace by his Austrian nobles, who insisted upon the recognition of a church reform, this regiment arrived in time to prevent his yielding, and to deprive those countries of the prize so nearly won.

The system of representation by Estates founds the share of the nobles and prelates in the legislative power on the possession of lands and the tenure of office. A body thus constituted is independent of the crown, which may refuse to summon it, but cannot deprive it of its rights that do not depend upon the royal writs. Nor can the sovereign, on emergencies in which he would willingly act without their co-operation, prevent their meeting without his summons, and annulling his acts as illegal. This form of representation still exists in each of the twelve conscribed provinces of Austria, but the apathy of the higher classes has allowed an undisputed right to degenerate into a pitiful claim for suf

ferance, while the confidence of the middle and lower classes of the community in their own power has not as yet emboldened them to demand the right of choosing fitter representatives of the nation. By this want of co-operation between the governing and the governed, the public institutions and laws are deprived of that elasticity which would take from them much of the oppressive sameness which they now bear. It must be evident that laws and regulations which may be useful in Dalmatia or in Galicia, ought to be considerably modified in their application to the other provinces which have made more progress. Of the present state of the government it may be said that it is admirably calculated to draw out and raise about one-third of the empire, while it retards the improvement of the other two-thirds, by withholding all means of progress from them. In the same manner the low and rude necessities of life are everywhere provided for with unusual attention. Roads are constructed, markets opened and controlled, towns fortified, police regulations enforced, and every local advantage, consistent with a large standing army quartered for the most part on the inhabitants, is afforded to smoothen the flow of domestic life in a narrow and strictly prescribed circle. Beyond this pale everything is notoriously deficient. The fiscal regulations operate disadvantageously upon trade and manufactures; the censorship deprives an empire of vast extent of the salutary influence of public opinion. The public seminaries are restrained by political, and what are called religious, considerations, from lending the proper aid to form the minds even of those who, from their birth and station, are destined to the widest fields of action in public life. The police regulations prevent a free intercourse between the provinces of the same empire. They interfere likewise with the course of even-handed justice, which suffers besides from the screen under which it is sheltered from the public view, and from the deficiency in learning which the state of the schools and universities occasions. The effects of all these causes can be traced distinctly in the condition of every province of this fine empire; and the candour of the government in thus giving publicity to the state of the population, which is a challenge for all to lend their aid in seeking what really benefits and what depresses the country, will not fail to be rewarded by the stimulated exertions of the enlightened portion of the inhabitants.

But the arrangement of the administrative offices under government not only excludes the mass of the people from all active participation in political and judicial matters, the parochial arrangements are likewise withdrawn from their control and co-operation. Clergymens', schoolmasters' and other offices are filled by the appointment of government or of the patron of the manor, and the incumbent enjoys a salary, which is paid in the same manner as pay is given to the soldiery. The church reform which Ferdinand refused to his subjects was accomplished in a one-sided manner by Joseph II., who suppressed all monastic establishments whose inmates did not devote their attention either to the cure of souls or to education. Of the large fund which was thus placed at the disposal of the crown, a considerable portion was set aside to be exclusively applied to purposes of religion and to the foundation and support of schools. The revenues arising from this source form what is termed the political fund in the budget, and have enabled the government to equalise the salaries of the country clergy and schoolmasters, who are thus secured comfortable, if not brilliant, means of support.

The only class of inhabitants who take an active part in the arrangement of their church affairs are the Protestants. Where Protestant schools exist, they are likewise more the object of attention to the parishioners than can be the case when delivered to a monastic corporation, which arrogates pre-eminent wisdom to the exclusion of the laity. It is assuredly no exaggeration to ascribe to this circumstance of the habitual exercise of control over parochial and county interests the superiority of the Hungarians, of whom the majority are Protestants. In the other provinces a co-operation of this kind is strenuously withheld by church and government from the Catholic portion of the population, and the tutelage usurped by the latter as heir to the former serves in a great measure to explain why many of the provinces have made so little advance, in spite of the relief afforded by the changes of Joseph, which indeed lightened the pressure on the people, but not by imparting fresh vigour to those who bore it.

The schools are altogether the weakest side of Austria, and their present organization is the work of a man who long enjoyed the confidence and cruelly abused the weaknesses of the late emperor. That uniformity which has been represented as oppressive in the extreme in matters of law and government, becomes fearfully destructive when applied to public instruction. But this alone can explain why the peasant who resides but a few posts from the capital is, in point of mental cultivation, but little raised above the denizen of Galicia, or of Croatia, of the same rank, and why the absurd (because debauching) pilgrimages to Maria Zell and Maria Taferl, almost within sight of the Cathedral of St. Stephen's, find as many votaries as those to the Czenstwa Gora or Mount Calvary in Poland. Between the two, surrounded by the loftiest hills of Central Europe, with the rudest climate and a soil of moderate fertility, the traveller is surprised at finding the limited district known by the name of Kuhländchen, in Silesia. A colony of German and Moravian Protestants has here founded a monument to industry and intelligence, which satisfactorily evinces that the old French saying, “ Laissez faire,may be applied advantageously to other interests besides those of commerce, and that even the wisest tutelage is debasing and enfeebling to a people. That the people of the Germanic provinces themselves would have remedied the faults in their social organization more than a century ago, if they had not been prevented by Dampierre's dragoons, we have already stated.

But this very prop and stay of the crown, the army, is as great a sufferer as any other class by the present system of education. Few and scattered are the scientific lights which this mass of 400,000 males in the finest age emits, and the fate of those who take such unnecessary trouble, as it is considered, is not such as to excite emulation. Captain Biala's name is known to the world from his calculation of the orbit of the comet which bears his name. It is less known that he has for years languished in his native province on half-pay; and the world has never heard that, in a letter of reply to a celebrated astronomer who wrote to congratulate him upon the appearance of the comet at the period he had indicated, he lamented that the wants of a growing family had forced him


to sell his instruments, so that his comet had appeared and passed away, and he alone in the scientific world had not seen it !

Yet even in this branch a certain care for physical wants is observable, and deserves praise. The provinces and cities which do not build barracks must receive the troops into the houses of the inhabitants, against a modicum of requital, which it answers the purpose of both parties to give in labour for the household rather than in money. In this respect the common soldier loses the indoctrinating process of drill which obtains in the Prussian army, but has more ease and is perhaps better fed than the Prussian recruit. Unfortunately, however, the inevitable results from the intrusion of a stranger with some title to command into families is too clearly expressed by the saying current in many provinces, “that for six kreutzers a day the peasant has to share his room, his hearth and his wife with the man in uniform.”

One branch of science only enjoyed the patronage of Emperor Francis, perhaps in consequence of the active part he took in the last campaigns of the war. The art of medicine was much cultivated during his reign. The materials were those in the excellent school founded by Joseph and Van Swieten; and some years after the peace, the army, which could not show a general who single-handed was able to conduct a successful campaign against the French, had the best assistant-surgeons in Europe.

The failure of the grand effort made by the enlightened portion of the capital to obtain the Imperial sanction for the foundation of an academy of sciences, will bear a lasting testimony to the late emperor's dread of discussion and mental activity even in the schools. The expulsion of the students of the university from the Imperial cabinets, in which their lectures used to be held to their great advantage, was recently ordered on the suggestion of a nobleman who filled the office of tutor to the poor Duke of Reichstadt.

It was necessary to preface the recently published statistical returns with these observations, in which whatever may seem harsh will find its excuse in the light they throw upon the condition of the people, on which the circumstances they describe had so much influence. We have already had an

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