sometimes, unperceived, set fire to the works. At length, Vespasian determined to turn the siege into a blockade; and, as he could not take the city by assault, to reduce it by famine. For, in a short time, the garrison would either desire to capitulate, or if they were still obstinate in their resistance, would perish from want; at all events, if it was necessary to renew the attack, their men would be enfeebled by privation and suffering. Accordingly, he kept his troops in their quarters, and contented himself with strictly blockading every avenue to the city.

The besieged were very well supplied with grain, and every other necessary excepting salt; but there was great want of water. There was no spring in the city; the inhabitants were obliged to be content with rain water. But during the summer it rarely if ever rains in that region, and as the summer was the time of the siege, they began to be dreadfully dispirited; and to look forward in horrible apprehension to the time when their supply would entirely fail. Jose phus commanded the water which re mained to be rigidly measured out. This scanty doling out of that necessary refreshment to men parched with fatigue, and many of them feverish with wounds, seemed worse even than absolute privation; the sense of want seemed to aggra vate their thirst; and many began to faint, as if already at the worst extremity of drought. The Romans saw what was going on within the walls; and, as the inhabitants crept along with their pitchers to a particular spot to receive their daily allotment of water, they pointed their engines at them, and struck them down as they passed.

"But the fertile mind of Josephus had not exhausted its store of schemes: he ordered a great number of his men to steep their clothes in water and hang them up from the battlements, till the wall ran down with the dripping moisture. The Romans were confounded; for men who could waste so much water out of mere wantonness, could not possibly be in the wretched state of privation they had hoped. Vespasian, weary of thus blockading a city so amply supplied, returned to the assault, the mode

of attack to which the Jews wished to drive him. For in their state it was better to perish at once by the sword, than by thirst and famine "—Vol. ii. pp. 289--293.

"The Roman general found that he was, as it were, besieged in his turn; and as the embankment had now reached close to the wall, he ordered the battering ram to be advanced. This was the

It

most formidable of all the besieging artillery, used in ancient warfare. was an immense beam, headed with iron, in the shape of a ram's head, from whence it took its name; it was suspended by cables from another beam, which was supported by strong tall posts; it was drawn back, by a great number of men, and then driven forward with so tremendous a recoil, that tower or wall could scarcely ever resist the shock, and the Romans were accustomed to see the bulwarks of the strongest cities crumble as it were to dust, the instant they could bring that irresistible machine to work. As the heavy ram slowly advanced towards the walls, covered with a penthouse of wattles and hides, both for the protection of the engine and of the men who were to work it, the catapults and other engines, with the archers and slingers, were commanded to play with increasing activity, to sweep the walls, and distract the besieged. The battlements were entirely cleared of the defenders, who lay crouching below, not knowing what was about to happen." At the first blow of the ram the wall shook as with an earthquake, and a wild cry rose from the besieged, as if the city were already taken.

"The engine went on battering at the same place, shock after shock: the wall already began to totter and crumble, when Josephus thought of a new expe dient. He ordered a number of sacks to be filled with straw, and let down by ropes from the walls, to catch the hard blows of the ram, wherever it might strike. The Romans were perplexed, for their blows fell dead on this soft and yielding substance: and in their turn they fastened the blades of scythes on long poles and cut asunder the ropes which held the sacks. Then the engine again began, without interruption, its work, when behold the Jews suddenly broke forth in three parties. They bore in their hands all the lighted combustibles they could find, they swept every thing before them, and set fire to the engines, the wattles and the pallisadoes of the besiegers. The Romans, confounded with this unexpected daring, and blinded by the fire and smoke driving in their faces, made less courageous defence than usual. The timbers of the embankment were all dry, a great quantity of bitumen, pitch, and even sulphur had been used as cement. The conflagration spread with the greatest rapidity, and thus one hour destroyed the labours of many days.

man

"The daring exploit of one among the Jews, met with universal admiration; he was a Galilean of Saab,

named Eleazar, the son of Samaes. With an immense stone from the wall, he took such a steady aim, that he struck off the iron head of the battering ram; he then leaped down from the wall, secured his prize, and was bearing it back to the city. He was unarmed, and all the darts and arrows of the enemy were discharged at him. He was transfixed by five arrows; still however he pressed on, regained the walls, stood boldly up displaying his trophy, in the sight of alland then, still clinging to it with convulsive hands, fell down and expired. Two other Galileans, Netiras and Philip of Ruma, greatly distinguished themselves, breaking through the ranks of the tenth legion, and driving in all who opposed them.

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Josephus and the rest followed this heroic example, and all the engines and the breast-work of the fifth and of the tenth legions which were driven in, were entirely consumed. Others followed the first rank of the assailants, and heaped the earth over what was destroyed, as fast as they could."--Vol. ii. pp. 295–297.

"While this was going on, the idle multitude, with the women and children, saw the city still surrounded by triple lines, for the Romans did not withdraw any part of their guards for the approaching conflict-the appalling force standing with their drawn swords before the breach-the whole mountain gleaming with the lances of the cavalry, and the Arabian archers with their bows already levelled--they were seized with universal consternation; one shrill and agonizing shriek ran through the whole city, as if the horrors of the capture were not only dreaded, but actually begun. Josephus, lest they should dispirit his men, ordered all the women to be locked up in the houses, and threatened the rest with exemplary punishment if they raised any disturbance. He then took his post in the breach. At once the trumpets of the legions sounded, and the whole Roman host raised one terrific shout. At that instant the sun was darkened with the clouds of arrows. The Jews closed their ears to the noise, and, shrouded under their bucklers, avoided the arrows. The moment that the mounting engines were fixed, the Jews were upon them before the assailants, fighting hand to hand with the most resolute courage; till at length the Romans, who could continually pour new troops upon them, while the besieged had none to supply their place when weary, formed a solid phalanx, and moving on as one man, drove back the Galileans, and were already within the

walls.

Still Josephus had a last expedient. He had prepared an immense quantity of boiling oil, and, at a signal, this was poured down, vessels and all, which burst with the heat, upon the ascending phalanx. The ranks were broken, and the men rolled down, writhing with agony; for the boiling oil, which kindles easily and cools slowly, trickled within their armour. They had not time to tear off their breastplates and bucklers before it had penetrated to the skin; but they leaped about and writhed with anguish, or plunged headlong from the bridges; or, if they attempted to fly, were pierced through their backs, the only part which was without defensive armour. Yet the steady courage of the Romans was not thus to be repelled. However those behind might pity their suffering companions, they still pressed forward, and sternly rebuked them for standing in their way, and for impeding braver men in the performance of their duty. But the Jews had still another stratagem. They poured boiled fenugreek, a kind of herb, upon the planks, on which the enemy were mounting the breach, and made them so slippery, that no one could gain a firm footing, either to ascend or retreat. Some fell on their faces, and were trampled down by those who followed; others rolled back upon the embankment. The Jews struck at them as they lay and grovelled; or, the close combat being thus interrupted, discharged their javelins, and heaped darts and stones upon them. At length, about the evening, the general recalled his worsted men, with considerable loss in killed and wounded. Those of Jotapata lost six killed, and three hundred wounded.

"Vespasian found his troops rather exasperated than disheartened by this obstinate resistance; but yet it was necessary to proceed by more slow and cautious approaches. He gave orders that the embankment should be raised considerably; and that fifty towers should be built upon it, strongly girded with iron, both that the weight might make them more firm, and to secure them against fire. In these he placed his javelin-men, his slingers, and archers, and the lighter engines for the discharge of missiles. These, being concealed by the height and the breast-works of their towers, might take deliberate aim at all who appeared upon the walls. This was a fatal measure to the Jews. The darts and arrows came pouring from above, so that they could not shift and avoid them. They could have no revenge against these invisible foes; for their own arrows could not reach to the height of the

towers, and the towers, being solid and compact with iron, could not be set on fire. All they could do was to abandon their walls, and, when any party approached, make a rapid and desperate sally to beat them off. Thus their own loss was considerable-that of the Romans very slight. Still, however, they kept up a manful resistance, and constantly repelled the enemy from the walls."-- Vol. ii. pp. 300-303.

"And now the end of Jotapata drew near. For forty-seven days its gallant inhabitants had resisted all the discipline and courage of the whole Roman army, under their most skilful general; they had confronted bravery with bravery, and stratagem with stratagem. They were now worn out with watching, and fatigue, and wounds, and thirst. Their ranks were dreadfully thinned, and the over-wearied survivors had to fight all day and watch all night. A deserter found his way to the camp of Vespasian, and gave intelligence of the enfeebled state of the garrison, urging him to make an assault at the early dawn of morning, when the sentinels were apt to be found sleeping on their posts. Vespasian sus pected the traitor, for nothing had been more striking during the siege than the fidelity of the Jews to their cause. One man who had been taken had endured the most horrible torments, and, though burnt in many parts of his body, steadily refused to betray the state of the town, till at length he was crucified. Still the story bore marks of probability; and Vespasian, thinking that no stratagem could inflict great injury on his powerful army, prepared for the assault.

"A thick morning mist enveloped the whole city, as at the appointed hour the Romans, with silent step, approached the walls. Titus was the first to mount, with Domitius Sabinus, a tribune, and a few soldiers of the fifteenth legion. They killed the sentinels, and stole quietly down into the city. Sextus Cerealis and Placidus followed with their troops. The citadel was surprised: it was broad day, yet the besieged, in the heavy sleep of fatigue, had not discovered that the enemy were within the walls; and even now, those who awoke saw nothing through the dim and blinding mist. But by this time the whole army was within the gates, and they were awakened to a horrible sense of their situation, by the commencement of the slaughter. The Romans remembered what they had suffered during the siege, and it was not a time when mercy and compassion, foreign to their usual character, could

arrest the arm of vengeance. They charged furiously down from the citadel, hewing their way through the multitude, who, unable to defend themselves, stumbled, and were crushed in the uneven ways; or were suffocated in the narrow lanes, or rolled headlong down the precipices. Nothing was to be seen but slaughter; nothing heard but the shrieks of the dying and the shouts of the conquerors. A few of the most hardy had gathered round Josephus, and mutually exhorted each other to self-destruction. As they could not slay the enemy, they would not be tamely slain by them. A great number fell by each other's hands. A few of the guard, who had been at first surprised, fled to a tower on the northern part of the wall, and made some resistance. At length they were surrounded, and gave themselves up to be quietly butchered. The Romans might have boasted that they had taken the city without the loss of a man, had not a centurion, named Antonius, been slain by a stratagem. great number of deep caverns under the city, in which many took refuge; one of these, being hotly pursued, entreated Antonius to reach his hand to him, as a pledge of accepting his surrender, as well as to help him to clamber out. The incautious Roman stretched out his hand, the Jew instantly pierced him in the groin with a lance, and killed him.

There were

a

"That day all were put to the sword who appeared in the streets or houses; the next, the conquerors set themselves to search the caverns and underground passages, still slaughtering all the men, and sparing none but infants and women: 1200 captives were taken. During the siege and capture 40,000 men fell. Vespasian gave orders that the city should be razed to the ground, and all the defences burnt. Thus fell Jotapata, on the 1st day of Panemus (July)."—Vol. ii. pp 305-308.

The objections we have ventured to state apply chiefly to the first volume, and not to many parts of it. The second and third volumes, notwithstanding the author's vindication of himself, are freer from the errors attributable to the first. There is, in fact, scarcely any thing objectionable beyond the first volume. We should be happy to see it altogether purified, for in point of composition and information the work is masterly.

IN no period since the Stuart dynasty has there been so great an outcry of "The Church is in Danger," as at the present day. Whether this has been occasioned by the increase of dissent, by "the temper of the times," or by "a spirit of tormenting fear," we will not attempt to determine; suffice it, that an impression pervades the whole community, that the period has arrived in which it is desirable, if not necessary, either, on the one hand, so to modify the ecclesiastical establishment of the country, as to impart to it greater strength and influence than it now possesses; or, on the other hand, to make such changes in the present constitution of the empire, as would leave it to its own resources. On this subject much has been written by clergymen and other members of the National Church; the periodical and occasional press has teemed with articles and pamphlets all conceding, to a certain extent, the evil, but strangely disagreeing as to the remedy. Some of the suggestions are evidently dictated by an amiable and candid spirit, whilst others betray the rancour and bitterness of wounded self

esteem. The writers of the latter class have not forgotten the Protestant Dissenters, but with unsparing hands have loaded them with every species of contumely and insult. By one party* we have been described, as "the multifarious sects," that

"Rave, recite,and madden thro' the land;"

from the shackles of religion," and our congregations, as so many petty republics"-" unfriendly

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to

a monarchical government." We are, however, aware of the motives which have produced these ungenerous attacks; but if these writers suppose, that by such calumnies our cause is injured, or the cause of religious monopoly maintained, we will frankly inform them, that their mistake is equalled only by the impolicy and guilt of their wilful libels.

The review in the Quarterly, which originated the pamphlet before us, is altogether of a piece with the productions to which we have referred. It has, however, met with a suitable and deserved reply, to which we now turn our attention. Most of our readers know that Dr. Southey has furnished to the world a book, entitled "Colloquies on the Progress and Prospects of Society," which consists of a series of dialogues between the author and an imaginary person, who, for the sake of dramatic effect or weighty sanction, is dignified with the name of Sir Thomas More. With that publication, however, we have here little to do; but we may be allowed to remark, that while it contains much that is beautiful and instructive, though disfigured with much that is illiberal and erroneous; we object in toto to that mode of controversy, which strengthens the views of a writer, by attributing sentiments and opinions to any great man, whether "conjured from the vasty deep," or borrowed from real life, of which there is not accompanying proof that they have been entertained or expressed by him; it is a practice to which a good cause need not resort, and for which not even the license of a Poet Laureat can atone. In the 81st number of the Quarterly Review, 2 E

tening fees, and mortuary fees, and Easter dues, and ecclesiastical-court fees; -what should you say, if I were to represent these paltry little things, these

mere 'incidentals,' as forming the ground or reason of your attachment to the Established Church? I will frankly admit, that I should most likely be doing you and the respectable members of the establishment a great injustice. I should be unnecessarily attempting to degrade you, while I should be doing a disservice to I should be abandoning my own cause. the high, and the vantage' ground, which I ought to take. I should be only playing, trifling, with the great argushould be rolling at your side. I would ment.' While I held you to the dust I

that work was made the subject of an article, which is important, not only as it affords a fair exhibition of the rancour and bitterness to which we have referred; but as it is a specimen of the manner in which some persons attempt to explain the now unquestioned fact of the increase of Dissenters. The whole article is characterized by low invective, unfounded assertion, illiberal insinuation, and unsound reasoning, and is alike distinguished by a want of manly feeling and philosophical acumen. The pamphlet before us appears anonymously, but it is evidently the work of a superior hand; it is intended as a reply to the review contained in the Quarterly, and truly a more complete one could scarcely have been desired. As the writer expresses it, he has "met sneers with sneers, insinuations with exposure, and assumption, inconsistency and contumely suitable to repel

with the them."

weapons

The author commences by a severe castigation of the reviewer for his representation, that dissent is founded on a mere objection to the surplice.

"Although you must," he 66 says, as a gentleman of education and reading, have been aware, that you did injustice to the cause of nonconformity or dissent, by representing it to depend on a mere difference respecting the use of the surplice, and the colour of a coat, yet you have thought proper so to represent the case. What would you think of my ingenuousness, if I were to represent that attachment to the church, for which I give you credit as being sincere and arising from respectable motives, though your excessive zeal for it has betrayed you into some mistakes in your mode of defending it; what should you think, if I were to say that you have a great affection for surplices, black gowns, white and red hoods, black silk aprons and scarfs, three-cornered hats, splendid mitres, seats and votes among the nobles of the land; to say nothing of a little money, by way of tithes, and surplice fees, and matrimonial fees, and chris

rather stand up erect, and meet a worthy and respected foe. Why not? It used to be so in the days of chivalry, which, Burke says, are gone. Why should there not be a nobleness of feeling in intellectual and moral contests?

But, perhaps, it is presumptuous in the humble, unbeneficed Dissenter, to aspire after the distinguished honour of breaking a lance with the regular knights of ecclesiastical chivalry. The former have not received the accolade. I do not, of course, acknowledge in you, or your party, a just claim to the same relative allusion would superiority which my seem to award; but admitting it for the sake of argument, where is the chivalrous magnanimity of attacking those with whom you will not contend on knightly and honourable terms? But remember, Sir, that in the days of the spear and battleaxe, bravery and military skill would always create a title for the humblest man at arms. Education, property, talents, mental independence, truth, virtue,-these now give sufficient qualifications to any one, to contend even with the grand masters of your order."-pp. 4- 6.

This is pleasantly, but smartly written; a passage shortly follows which evinces a manly and generous spirit, strikingly opposed to the bigotry of the reviewer.

"Let Churchmen and Dissenters, in their differences, understand each other. Let them cheerfully admit, and even emulously laud, what is excellent and respectable in each. In differing from you, Sir, I admit that I differ partly from the opinions of men, whose names I have been taught, by my father and mother, to lisp in the accents of infant veneration-men who are high in the mansions of glory, far away from the