ever definite the promise, "Italy shall be free from the Alps to the Adriatic," no time was fixed for its fulfillment. The pledge may yet be redeemed; but in the mean while the Italians ought to do all in their power to consolidate and confirm their young liberty, and while seeking to improve the opportunity now in their hands, they have a right to seek support wherever it may be to be found. Hitherto absolute neutrality has been the only course England could pursue with safety and honor. Respect for the treaties which constituted the public law of Europe bade her repress all outward manifestations of sympathy with the downtrodden population, whose freedom she could not but desire, while the complicated nature of the questions involved, and the singular spectacle of a despotic sovereign coming forward as the champion of liberty, made it doubly necessary to act with extreme circumspection. The aspect of affairs has now greatly changed, and we think a modification of policy should correspond to it, for the present is a great opportunity both for England and for Europe, and one not to be lightly cast away. By concluding the convention of Villafranca, Napoleon III. tacitly avowed his inability to settle the Italian question alone, by the mere force of arms, and he thereby renounced all claim to be considered as its sole arbiter. Thus the convention, which had rather the character of an armistice than of a peace, was in fact a reference to a higher tribunal; and this we believe to be necessary, for the passage of the Ticino by the Austrian troops having virtually torn the treaty of Vienna, Europe is at the present moment without a public law, and to be valid a new settlement must be consented to by all the parties concerned. But there are considerations which make him pause, and necessarily prevent his immediate and absolute acceptance of the crowns offered to him. It is his duty to obtain some guarantee for the inviolability of the new State, and to obtain its admission into the family of European nations, ere he allow the provinces of Central Italy to bind up their fate with his. This guarantee, this admission, an European congress alone can give. On the other hand, the position of Austria is greatly changed from what it was six months ago. Her pretensions as a first-class State were then unquestioned, and if some persons, acquainted with the hollowness of her system, doubted its stability, they could bring no proof in support of their opinion. What was then an hypothesis is now a fact recorded by history. It is clear that, morally as well as financially, Austria has for the last ten years been living upon credit. By the mouth of her Emperor she has confessed her defeat, her army, the boasted engine of her power, has been beaten in a campaign of unparalleled brevity, and were additional testimony of her humiliation required, it might be found in her apathy while the changes going on in Central Italy are sapping the very basis of her dominion. But she holds Venetia as a vast fortified camp, in which she can recruit her strength at leisure, and if, as there is but too much reason to fear, Peschiera, Mantua, and Borgoforte, be left in her hands, she may at any time invade and lay waste the country on both sides the Po, unless the new organization of these provinces be sanctioned by Europe; for our readers must bear in mind that no treaty whatever has hitherto been signed between Austria and Sardinia, and Francis Joseph had the candor to declare, in his proclamation to his soldiers, dated Verona, that he intended to lead them back to Within the last two months, the ques-Lombardy on the first opportunity. tion has made several important steps. The Italians have proved their capacity for self-government, and their representatives have stated their wants and wishes with singular clearness and unanimity. Italy throws herself into the arms of Victor Emmanuel, as a fair woman eager to recompense the long attachment of a true and devoted lover, and none acquainted with the character of the king can doubt his readiness to assume the arduous duties thus thrust upon him, and to defend his beloved, were it at the cost of his own life. A congress alone is competent to annul the various claims put forward by Austria, the Pope, and the princes of Central Italy, and by confirming the decision of the assemblies, to put an end to the question which has so long been a constant menace to the peace of Europe, and will continue to be so, unless it obtain a solution in harmony with the wishes and tendencies of the people. The erection of a kingdom of Etruria would merely prolong the stage of transition. No matter who the sovereign chosen, however good his government, the people would still look on Victor Emmanuel as their rightful king, and thwarted in the present, hope for compensation from the future, thus perpetuating a state of chronic irritation. It is for this reason that we would fain see England step forward to assert the rights of the Italian nation, and to convoke the august tribunal whose award must decide on their fate. Her isolated position, her strict neutrality throughout the contest, give her a natural right to act as umpire, and it would be great glory for her diplomacy were it to succeed in effecting what Napoleon III., at the head of all his legions, failed to achieve. Were she thus to step forward, she would possibly have both France and Russia on her side, and though we can readily conceive that Austria will make every effort to escape the necessity of vindicating her policy and system before the judgmentseat of Europe, we have yet to learn that her advantage and convenience are so important as to override all other and more general considerations. Central Italy may be said to have special claims on the interest and sympathy of England. Holding the doctrine that every State has an absolute right over its own destiny, we think that England is bound to acquiesce in any decision the provincial assemblies may deliberately take; but we also think there is a great difference between the cold acquiescence which might have been due, had the triple crown of the Duchies been offered to Prince Napoleon, for instance, and the sympathy which the actual determination is calculated to excite. Central Italy has followed the example laid down by Eng. land herself nearly two centuries ago, and declared the exclusion of princes, who, far more criminal than James II., have actually fought in the ranks of the enemy and oppressor of their former subjects,* and we can not but sympathize with the anxious desire to form part of a kingdom which has given guarantees for the stability of its constitutional government. Central Italy is united in this wish, Piedmont and Lombardy stretch out their arms towards her, the King is ready to accept the responsibility of welding the provinces into one nation, the sanction of Europe is alone wanting. With a clear conscience and a decisive effect, might England now claim for the Italians the reward which their perseverance and unanimity have so amply deserved. It is at once her privilege and her duty to do so. Let her boldly assert it, and strong from the very neutrality she has hitherto preserved, let her declare herself opposed to all further interference with Italian affairs, whether of France or of Austria, whether by force of arms or the intrigues of unaccredited diplomatists; let her obtain the confirmation of this great principle by the European Powers, and the prosperity and happiness of millions will be chiefly owing to her. The glory and increase of influence to be acquired by this course can not be matters of indifference, even to so great a State as England. But it is not on this account alone that we desire to see a Congress summoned, and the decisions of Central Italy confirmed. We wish the calamities to be averted which seem to us inevitable, if this solution be refused, or even too long delayed. The admirable perseverance and patience of the Italians should not be put to too severe a trial; as long as they have hope, they will maintain their present attitude, but were it rudely torn from them, there is no calculating what consequences might be produced by the madness of their despair. But we will not dwell on this painful contingency. We trust that the English Ministers who, during the debate of the 8th of August last, so nobly pleaded the cause of the Italian Duchies, will maintain the words spoken in the House of Commons before the more secret assembly of Europe, strong in the consciousness of the approval of their own country, and of the liberal party throughout the world. continued order and perseverance, but To the Italians, we would recommend above all, let not their vigilance be laid asleep. The assurances of Napoleon III. to Count Linati, the sympathy of the English people, are calculated to strengthen them in their course; but the sole real guarantee for their liberty and independence is the organization of a numerous and highly disciplined army. Let the governors of the different provinces take every measure that may tend to make it as difficult as possible for the diplomatists of Europe not to confirm their union. Let the youth of every rank fly to the standard of Garibaldi, and join the ranks of the volunteers, and the future organization of Italy will soon cease to be a subject for speculation. From Tait's Magazine. BERTRAM TO THE MOST NOBLE AND BEAUTIFUL LADY GERALDINE. LADY, this night for the first time my eyes, Amidst the murmurous hum and dusty glare With which those restless throngs confused the room, I moved and gazed with little thought or care So that the hours slipt smoothly through Life's loom, Why should I fear this joyful truth to tell, Unaided by the mean of bodily sense O music! flow forever, soft and sweet, I may forever watch her dove-quick feet Circling in light adown thy shadowy stream, And calm-robed form float swaying to the beat Of the long languid pulses, while out-gleam Her face and round arms, radiant through the whirls, Grand neck, white shoulders, dazzling golden curls! Desire by its own wild intensity Was baffled; I stood trembling, panting, pale; And every eager step approaching thee The cold white moon cresting night's cloudless blue Above dark moorland, far from town and Or few lone stars, dim-steadfast in dim skies, Ay, while I thought-Could I seize one caress, Sank back-how spirits nearing Heaven must Grasp the rich ripeness, press, and press, and quail !— Till some strong inspiration carried me, Half-dumb to gasp my pleading, and prevail; To sue, and stand dance-ready at thy side, Intoxicate with love, and bliss, and pride. O glory of the dance, sublimed to this! Oh! let me die on but another taste Within a neck-bend of that dawn-sweet smile! Did music measure that delirious dancing? I heard it not: I know not what strange sway Footing the buoyant ether's moonlight sea Most pure and beautiful! what staid my lips, From clinging unto thine for dewy sips- Sealing thine eyes in passion's dear eclipse, Yet, O Beloved! though thus love-distraught, Blighted my passionate worship with despair. press, Till drunk with its last drain of fiery wine; Staking the future's infinite barrenness 'Gainst one transcendent moment's bliss Even then my wildered spirit knelt subdued Subdued by thee, and yet exalted more; soar To win the empire's empress for his bride Thou wert the farther from me as so near- To which Love lifts, that he may isolate Hence their eternal bridal consecrate Did aught of these tempestuous agitations, Can realize those memories, all disperst But when I saw the end must come indeed, When laggard pairs were failing from the dance, Surely my curbless thought found words to plead: "Forgive, sweet maiden! time and circumstance Are lightning swift, and I must match their | Proclaim the madness of both him and them: speed; Believe me that I speak, in heavenly trance, Diviner truth than souls can reach or prove If uninspired by seraph-sighted Love. "The Vision sways me-I must speak or die; Life of my life! I see, I know, I feelThe inspiration can not err or lie; Passion does its own truth with pure fire seal. God, from the depths of all eternity, Created us one soul, in woe or weal, "You tremble, pallid with the self-same birth "But time is very brief. Shall we away Into the great calm night, bespangled o'er With silver-throbbing stars? My dearest, say! And yet, so rich in years is Evermore, That hurry were mean thrift; we well can stay Some further time-lives, as we staid before, Being so certain, from this hour sublime, Of coming union, perfect beyond Time." Were such words borne exultant on my breath? Memory, which can not over-soar the deep Which yawns between two lives in somber death, Nor even that 'twixt wakefulness and sleep, Brings no sure tidings. Yet, unmoved in faith, Though sick with failing from that glorious steep, Whence all the Promised Land was seen so clear, I pace time's desert with more hope than fear. This staff sustains- may fruit yet crown its stem! Perchance we never more till death may meet. You still might justly scorn my love and me Were I your peer in wealth and worldly birth, Yet none the less must I live loving thee. And feed on visions, not so shadowy thin, And with my passionate love for evermore Or know not what devotion I outpour Ah! from this timeless night what glorious |