the continuance and increase of the pleasure; but the primitive impulse does not in either case determine which action....

movement out of dormancy; this is the state of matters in the maturity of volition. The infant of twelve months, under the stimulus of cold, can hitch nearer the side of the nurse, although no spontaneous movements to that effect happen at the moment; past reflection has established a connection that did not exist at the beginning, whereby the feeling and action have become linked together as cause and effect."-The Senses and the Intellect, pp. 292 6.

notes of observation made upon the earliest movements of two lambs seen during the first hour of their birth, and at subsequent stages of their development:"

"If at the moment of some acute pain, there should accidentally occur a spontaneous movement, and if that movement sensibly alleviates the pain, then it is that the volitional impulse belonging to the feeling will show itself. The movement accidentally begun through some other influence, will be sustained through this influence of the painful emotion. In the original situation of things, the acute feeling is In confirmation and illustration of these unable of itself to bring on the precise move-ingenious remarks, we quote from another ment that would modify the suffering; there is part of the same volume the following no primordial link between a state of suffering and a train of alleviating movements. But should the proper movement be once actually begun, and cause a felt diminution of the acute agony, the spur that belongs to states of pain would suffice to sustain this movement. .. . . .. The emotion can not invite, or suggest, or waken up the appropriate action; nevertheless, "One of the lambs, on being dropped, was the appropriate action once there, and sensibly taken hold of by the shepherd and laid on the telling upon the irritation, is thereupon kept ground so as to rest on its four knees. For a going by the active influence, the volitional spur very short time, perhaps not much above a minof the irritated consciousness. In short, if the ute, it kept still in this attitude; a certain force state of pain can not awaken a dormant action, was doubtless exerted to enable it to retain its a present feeling can at least maintain a present position; but the first decided exertion of the action. This, so far as I can make out, is the creature's own energy was shown in standing original position of things in the matter of voli- up on its legs, which it did after the pause of tion. It may be that the start and the move- little more than a minute. The power thus put ments resulting from an acute smart, may relieve forth I can only describe as a spontaneous burst the smart, but that would not be a volition. In of the locomotive energy, under this condition— volition there are actions quite distinct from the namely, that as all the four limbs were actuated manifested movements due to the emotion itself; at the same instant, the innate power must have these other actions rise at first independently been guided into this quadruple channel in and spontaneously, and are clutched in the consequence of that nervous organization that embrace of the feeling when the two are found constitutes the four limbs one related group. to suit one another in the alleviation of pain or The animal now stood on its legs, the feet being the effusion of pleasure. considerably apart, so as to widen the base of "An example will perhaps place this specula- support. The energy that raised it up continued tion in a clearer light. An infant lying in bed flowing in order to maintain the standing poshas the painful sensation of chillness. This ture, and the animal doubtless had the confeeling produces the usual emotional display-sciousness of such a flow of energy as its earliest namely, movements, and perhaps cries and tears. Besides these emotional elements there is a latent spur of volition, but with nothing to lay hold of as yet, owing to the disconnected condition of the mental arrangements at our birth. The child's spontaneity, however, may be awake, and the pained condition will act so as to irritate the spontaneous centers, and make their central stimulus flow more copiously. In the course of a variety of spontaneous movements of arms, legs, and body, there occurs an action that brings the child in contact with the nurse lying beside it; instantly warmth is felt, and this alleviation of the painful feeling becomes immediately the stimulus to sustain the movement going on at that moment. That movement, when discovered, is kept up in preference to the others occurring in the course of the random spontaneity....

"By a process of cohesion or acquisition, coming under the law of association, the movement and the feeling become so linked together, that the feeling can at after times waken the

mental experience. This standing posture was continued for a minute or two in perfect stillness. Next followed the beginnings of locomotive movement. At first a limb was raised and set down again, then came a second movement that widened the animal's base without altering its position. When a more complex movement of its limbs came on, the effect seemed to be to go sideways; another complex movement led for wards; but at the outset there appeared to be nothing to decide one direction rather than another, for the earliest movements were a jumble of side, forward, and backward. Still, the alternation of limb that any consecutive advance required, seemed within the power of the creature during the first ten minutes of life. Sensation as yet could be of very little avail, and it was evident that action took the start in the animal's history. The eyes were wide open, and light must needs have entered to stimulate the brain. The contact with the solid earth, and the feelings of weight and movement, were the earliest feelings. In this state of uncertain wandering, with

little change of place, the lamb was seized hold the fact, and stimulating exertion and pursuit to of and carried up to the side of the mother. recover it. Six or seven hours after birth the This made no difference till its nose was brought animal had made notable progress, and locomointo contact with the woolly skin of the dam, tion was easy, the forward movement being preferwhich originated a new sensation. Then came red but not predominant. The sensations of sight a conjunction manifestly of the volitional kind began to have a meaning. In less than twentyThere was clearly a tendency to sustain this four hours the animal could, at the sight of the contact, to keep the nose rubbing upon the side mother ahead, move in the forward direction at and belly of the ewe. Finding a certain move- once to come up to her, showing that a particument to have this effect, that movement was sus-lar visible image had now been associated with tained; exemplifying what I consider the primi-a definite movement; the absence of any such tive or fundamental part of volition. Losing association being most manifest in the early the contact, there was yet no power to recover movements of life. It could proceed at once to it by a direct action, for the indications of sight the teat and suck, guided only by its desire and at this stage had no meaning. The animal's the sight of the object. It was now in the full spontaneous irregular movements were continu- exercise of the locomotive faculty; and very ed; for a time they were quite fruitless, until soon we could see it moving with the nose a chance contact came about again, and this con- along the ground in contact with the grass, tact could evidently sustain the posture or the preliminary of seizing the blades in the movement that was causing it. The whole of mouth. the first hour was spent in these various movements about the mother, there being in that short time an evident increase of facility in the various acts of locomotion, and in commanding the head in such a way as to keep up the agreeable touch. A second hour was spent much in the same manner, and in the course of the third hour the animal, which had been entirely left to itself, came upon the teat, and got this into its mouth. The spontaneous workings of the mouth now yielded a new sensation, whereby they were animated and sustained, and unexpectedly the creature found itself in the possession of a new pleasure-the satisfaction first of mouthing the object; next, by and by, the pleasure of drawing milk The intensity of this last feeling would doubtless give an intense spur to the coexisting movements, and keep them energetically at work. A new and grand impression was thus produced, remaining after

"The observations proved distinctly three several points-namely, first, the existence of spontaneous action as the earliest fact in the creature's history; second, the absence of any definite bent prior to experienced sensation; and third, the power of a sensation actually experienced to keep up the coïnciding movement of the time, thereby constituting a voluntary act in the initial form. What was also very remarkable, was the rate of acquisition, or the rapidity with which all the associations between sensations and actions became fixed. A power that the creature did not at all possess naturally, got itself matured as an acquisition in a few hours; before the end of a week the lamb was capable of almost any thing belonging to its sphere of existence; and at the lapse of a fortnight, no difference could be seen between it and the aged members of the flock."-(Pp. 404-6.) (TO BE CONCLUDED IN NEXT NUMBER.)

THE fascination which Italy exercises | and fall into a carping tone; the magnifiover all accomplished visitors of that beautiful land is expressed and explained in that apostrophe of the poet Browning: "O woman country!" Writers upon France catch the critical vein of the nation

* The Italian Campaigns of General Bonaparte, in 1796-7 and 1800. By GEORGE HOOPER. London. 1859.

The Vicissitudes of Italy since the Congress of Vienna. By A. L. V. GRETTON. London. 1859.

cence of Switzerland fails to insure affection for the people; and the respect felt for German profundity is of a somewhat abstract character. But with Italy the passing stranger falls in love, and the long sojourner imbibes the intoxication of passion. The Vicissitudes of Italy is evidently the work of a person who has thrown his soul into the cause. He is one who shares not the despair which wrung from Byron the exclamation

"O God! that thou wert in thy nakedness Less lovely or more powerful! "

for he sees the day of power coming through the wisdom and valor of Sardinia's king, parliament, and people. The history he gives proceeds only from the settlement of 1815. Mr. Hooper's book goes further back, but his well-written account of Bonaparte's Italian campaigns touches only incidentally on the political state of Italy. In the following article we propose to go rapidly over the history of Bonaparte's battles, the brilliancy of which turn Magenta and Solferino into mere wholesale scrambling butcheries, and over the history of his Italian policy, which was so selfish and mean that it is in no danger of suffering eclipse from that of his nephew, whatever it may be. We shall attempt no labored or strained parallels, or the more usually strained contrasts where truth is too often sacrificed to telling antithesis and showy effect. Yet is there one fact which stands out so conspicuous as in itself to betray a system. Venice was a republic until Napoleon handed her over a bound and betrayed slave to Austria, and he who rivets the chain is one whose name we need not pronounce. The treaties of Campo Formio and Villafranca are the Alpha and Omega of Venetian bondage. Leaving it to the reader to point inferences, which, indeed, lie upon the surface, we proceed to consider Bonaparte's whole career in Italy.

the Apennines, were animated by the belief that they went forth to fight for no selfish ends, for that they were truly the armed missionaries of freedom. The composition, the character, and the spirit of that army, are less familiarly known than the history of their leader. Who is there who can not repeat the story of the Corsican officer of artillery that showed his superiors the way to retake Toulon from the British; of his advancement in the opinion of all with whom he came in contact, until at length he gained the confidence of Barras, the most influential member of the Government of the Directory; of his marriage with the fascinating Josephine; of his unhesitating slaughter of the Sections on the day of the thirteenth Vendemaire? These incidents of the adventurer, before the campaign of Italy raised the hero to an equality with the Alexanders, Hannibals, and Cæsars, are in every memory. But of that aggregate of heroes, whose several rays blend with his own crown of glory, a word must needs be said. These were men who had already saved their own mother country. These were men who had shattered the coalesced armies of the great military Powers of the Continent. They had, indeed, doubly saved France by redeeming her reputation from the iniquities of the Reign of Terror, and now they went forward to impart to the oppressed the privileges they had conquered for themselves. This is what that army, away from the intrigues and corruptions of political factions in the capital, beNapoleon Bonaparte's first Italian cam- lieved. These men, constantly engaged paign can never be thought of without in the field in defense of their indepenfeelings of admiration. The youth of the dence and of the republican principle, commander, (he was only twenty-seven,) were at once patriots and propagandists. the comparatively small number of his Their hearts burned with fierce political troops, and the misery of their condition, fanaticism, which, wanting as it may have when compared with the obstacles oppo- been in those holier elements that purify sed by armies twice as great, fully provi- and exalt, rendered them contemptuous sioned, adequately equipped, resting on of privation, and made them in battle inmighty fortresses, and backed by posi- vincible. Commanded by a leader of tions of natural strength apparently insur-genius, what obstacle could resist them? mountable, give to this struggle an interest. which is increased to the highest degree when we consider that the prize at stake was no less than the deliverance of beautiful Italy from thraldom and her restoration to liberty! We speak now of that campaign as it presented itself in its first bright glorious aspect, and we have the more right to do so as the army, which, ragged and hungry, followed Bonaparte through the storm and snow of

And it was so willed that as great a genius in the art of war as the world had ever seen should arise at the right moment for the benefit of an army equal to himself. The consequences were such as might have been expected, and which we proceed very rapidly to trace.

When Bonaparte arrived at Nice, on the twenty-seventh March, 1796, he was as much struck with the half-naked, famished appearance of his troops, as they

were with the mean figure of the little, lank, boyish-looking man, whose sickly and sallow countenance, rendered still more wan by his long hair, was nevertheless, redeemed by large dark eyes of uncommon lustre. Young as he was, his figure lacked the buoyancy of youth as much as it wanted the erect firmness of manhood. His clothes hung loosely about his angular body. What the impressions of the soldiers were at the time, and the revulsions which their feelings underwent, was soon afterwards made manifest by a characteristic circumstance. After the passage of the Bridge of Lodi- to be mentioned more particularly hereafter the men, who, according to republican fashion, were used to elect their officers, assembled in a gay conventicle round their camp-fires, and bestowed a name and rank on the hero which stuck to him when on the throne, that of "the Little Corporal." The significant pleasantry was subsequently repeated the "Little Corporal" was promoted to the rank of sergeant and lieutenant and captain; but as novelty and surprise are the salt of good jokes, "Little Corporal" retained immortal hold in association with the gray frock-coat and featherless cocked-hat.

ventional rules and systems, which the genius of Bonaparte at once appreciated. Beaulieu crept along the shore to Genoa, covered by the English fleet. Here let us pause. The English fleet was ordered there to support the enemies of France, but it was in defiance of English public opinion. There is no fact in our history more easy of proof than that the voice of universal England was raised in protest, and vain protest, àgainst being dragged into war with France. The Lord Mayor and Corporation of London petitioned against the war. At Islington, fifty thousand persons met to demand neutrality. Meetings for the same purpose were held in every part of the city. The fact is one which deserves emphatic notice at this time; for it furnishes a conclusive answer to those who affect to regard the British people as ever ready to oppose France. Had the people's voice been respected by their own government, the French would not have been able to enhance the early triumphs of Bonaparte by adding to their glory the failure of British opposition.

That public opinion subsequently wa vered, and that indignation at the horrors committed by the revolutionary monsters deepened into disgust and hatred ought not to be denied; but it must ever remain an open question whether the Reign of Terror was not the result of external

On the eleventh April, Bonaparte moved from Savona at the head of some forty-two thousand men and sixty pieces of artillery, to attack twice that number of allied Austrians and Sardinians, support-pressure upon France. It was while the ed by two hundred pieces of cannon. Old Austrian Beaulieu reasoned like a man of seventy-five, who forgets the passionate inspiration of half a century before. He saw a rich city, that of Genoa, under the nose of a famished army of invaders, and he concluded that they could not withstand the temptation. This low view of French nature, which a witty writer has contradistinguished from human nature, led well-fed old Beaulieu into a false move which proved irreparable. Bonaparte's eagle glance was fixed otherwise. Its point of attraction was not the glutted abundance of the city, but the bleak top of the Apennines, over which his star was rising. His plan was to cut the allies in two and beat them in detail — a project admirably favored by the mass of low mountains, which, unconnected by roads, steeped in snow, and troubled by the spring storms, afforded advantages to hardy, weather-seasoned, agile young troops over soldiers hampered by

old con

King was swearing fidelity to the constitution, that in the same month (July, 1792) the Duke of Brunswick, at the head of an Austro-Prussian army, invaded France, heralding his approach by a manifesto which might well have caused poor Louis to exclaim: "Oh! save me from my friends!" In that manifesto, the National Guards taken with arms in their hands are threatened with death; magistrates are warned, on peril of their heads; towns resisting the allies are given up to the soldiery; and, finally, adding insulting deri sion to brutal menaces, promise is offered to the penitent of "intercession with the Most Christian King to obtain pardon for their faults and errors." A fortnight afterwards the King was a prisoner. The whole country was in a frenzy of indignation. The friends and relations of those so-called emigrés in the camp of the enemy were first arrested as hostages and then massacred. The threats of foreign Powers were met with shouts of defiance and

popular fury, already stained with crime, | Austrians in check, the King of Piedmont was excited into wild, ungovernable arro- agrees, as the price of an armistice, to put gance when from before the sans culottes the victor in possession of his strongest of Paris the well-trained armies of Austria fortresses. Within a single week, Bonaand Prussia had to seek safety in flight. parte converts a hostile country into a It was not until the King was brought to firm basis of operations against its late death that the British Government, taking ally, and finds himself free to engage the advantage of the general stupor, ordered Austrians single-handed on the plains of the French envoy to quit within forty- Lombardy. eight hours. The Court put on mourning. The Republic declared war, and England was committed to the coalition. Our first expeditions were not prosperous. The Duke of York blundered from failure to failure, which, by hurting military pride, only involved the nation in further hostilities. But, all the time, the English people, on the one hand, and those of France on the other, were, the one perplexed and the other incensed, at the falseness of England's position. For whom was England fighting? For the Bourbon family, which had stimulated the revolt of the American colonies. Against whom was she fighting? Against the subjects of Louis, who had become inoculated with American principles, through the King's enmity to England. With whom was she fighting? Why, along with the three criminal despots who had partitioned Poland. And she had joined them, too, in the name of morality. Thus it was that, even in 1796, while a British fleet was covering Austrian movements against Bonaparte on the shores of Genoa, the English people at home were praying and petitioning in vain against the war with the French Republic.

What Bonaparte aimed at, that he did. When Beaulieu was awakened from his dream of error by the French cannon thundering from the hights of Montenotte, it was too late. The enemy he expected to meet on the road to Genoa had already crossed the Apennines unperceived. He had, moreover, by skillful maneuvers, surrounded and overwhelmed an Austrian division. In fact, he stood victorious master of the mountain. The Austrian center was broken. Bonaparte stood between the Austrians, guarding the road to Milan, and the Piedmontese, who, on his left, held the gorges of the Millesimo, which they regarded as one of the natural bulwarks of their country. He resolves upon bending his main strength against the latter, and his operations are crowned with marvelous success. While Massena and Laharpe hold the

In order that we may not lose sight of the principle which animated the spirit of that victorious army, it must be mentioned that they were not satisfied with the material prizes of conquest, amazing as they might seem. They demanded the abolition of the Sardinian monarchy and the proclamation of the republic! Bonaparte had, however, on the day of the thirteenth Vendemiaire, when he turned his cannon against the revolted republican Sections, inwardly renounced the democratic creed. But the time had not arrived for avowals that would at once have been denounced as apostasy by lieutenants not yet eclipsed by the full revelation of an all-surpassing genius. It was necessary to blind yet awhile the eyes of Augereau, the wild son of the turbulent Faubourg St. Marçeau, where his father worked as a mason, while in his son's knapsack lay the bâton of a Marshal of France; and to blind the eyes of the pastry-cook's son, Murat, the unrivaled cavalry officer and future King of Naples; and of Lannes, the dyer's apprentice, fighting his way to the Dukedom of Montebello; and of Massena, greatest and meanest of all of Massena, first of soldiers and most rapacious of plunderers; and, in fine, to blind the eyes of all those republican champions whose life of activity on the frontier had, in sparing the sight of anarchy at home, allowed the Republic to appear in its noblest aspect, that of deliverer of France from the coalesced despotisms of Europe. It was on this occasion that Bonaparte fascinated his followers' attention by that famous proclamation, in which, with a few masterly strokes, he vividly painted their exploits : "You have gained battles without cannon, passed rivers without bridges, made forced marches without shoes; you lay on the ground without brandy, and often without bread. Republican troops, soldiers of liberty, were alone capable of sufferings such as you have endured." These were new words, suited to a time when every thing was new. The old régime was passed, with its frigid formalities and