ering, we should place those disturbances of the circulation through the brain which attend diseases acute and chronic not primarily affecting the brain itself. All the forms of fever in every stage of their development, the intermittent fever commonly known as ague, inflammations of the more important organs of the body, seizures of the gout, the suppression of habitual discharges, and many other disorders and diseases which it is not our business to particularize, will come into this category. Affections of the brain itself, such as congestion and inflammation, and disorders of the nervous system -catalepsy, epilepsy, hysteria, hypochondriasis, St. Vitus's dance, and hydrophobia would constitute another class in our ascending series, which culminates in the hallucinations and illusions so generally present in persons of unsound mind.

The short and imperfect sketch and classification which we have now given of the causes of hallucinations, will serve to show the frequency of these strange disorders of the senses, or, to speak more correctly, of that wonderful physical organ of the mind which, sometimes by an effort of the will, but much more frequently without volition or consciousness of effort, converts its own operations into sensual impressions so vivid and so like reality, as to task all the powers of the sound mind to distinguish the real from the unreal, and ntterly to set at naught and confound the feeble or confused powers of minds smitten with unsoundness.

which are not the image of any idea deserving of the name, but involuntary creations of an utterly disordered instrument of thought? If unreal sensations, thoughts, and words may be born of involuntary actions of the brain, why not strange and eccentric acts of violencesuch acts as madmen themselves attribute to beings other than themselves. The protestations of innocence which these poor madmen make sound strange indeed in the ears of those who have no experience of the insane, and have no conception of, or sympathy with, that aberration of the mind which combines in one awful discord hallucinations and illusions of the senses, delusions of the mind, language of frightful violence, obscenity, or impiety, misery unutterable, and excitement uncontrollable.

But we must not be tempted to wander further into this wide field of speculation. Want of space, and the fair claim of our author to have some distinct notice taken of those views to which he obviously attaches most importance, constrain us to notice the special case of those great men who have been subject to hallucinations, but whose memory he wishes to keep clear from all suspicion of unsoundness of mind. In a chapter devoted to the class of hallucinations coëxisting with sanity, the reader will recognize many a familiar history with which he first became accquainted in the popular works of Sir David Brewster or Sir Walter Scott, or in the more scientific treatises of Abercrombie, Bostock, Conolly, Paterson, Wigan, or Winslow; and he will be reminded of some of the most curious passages in the lives of such men as Byron, Samuel Johnson, Pope, Goethe, Lord Castlereagh, Benvenuto Cellini, Bernadotte, and the first Napoleon.

Many curious and grave questions suggest themselves to one who has succeeded in realizing this extensive prevalence of hallucinations. Seeing that, without any effort of the will, the brain, which ordinarily perceives the pictures painted on the eye, can create them out of nothing, we should, even in the absence The author tells us that he has purposeof experience, be led to the belief that the ly multiplied the illustrations contained in same organ of the mind, by a similar this chapter, and that he selected many involuntary action, might originate ideas of the cases because they relate to cele and opinions bearing to the usual process-brated persons, whom no one has ever es of thought and ratiocination the same relation that hallucination does to sensation; in a word, that delusions may spring up involuntarily in the mind, as we know that they do in the insane. But analogy would lead us even farther than this.

If unreal sensations and unreal thoughts are possible as a consequence of involuntary workings of the organ of the mind, why not unreal words-words

thought of charging with insanity. "Some of them," he tells us, "have correctly regarded their hallucinations as the offspring of the imagination, or as arising from an unhealthy state of the body. Others, led by their belief in the supernatural, by their vanity, or by the opinions of the period, or by superstitious feelings, have privately explained them in accord ance with their own wishes; but their

mind that, in the case of the higher order of thinkers and actors, the hallucinations were in harmony with the universal belief of the times in which they lived. They were but representations on the organs of sense of ideas admitted as indisputably true by the society in which they lived and moved. When all the world believed in witchcraft, when the learned author of Vulgar Errors gave authoritative evidence in its favor, when Sir Matthew Hale barely doubted, and juries were quick to convict, the man who alleged that he saw an old lady of eccentric habits and uncertain temper borne through the air on a broomstick, would scarcely have been deemed insane.

conversation and their actions have given | impede. It ought also to be borne in no evidence of a disordered intellect; in some they may even have been the source of their great deeds. Frequently, however, the hallucination of the sound mind may be seen to glide into the hallucination of insanity, without its being possible always to point out the boundary which separates the one condition from the other, so difficult is it at all times to establish precise limits." We recognize and fully appreciate this difficulty; but we are not sure that we quite sympathize with the author in his evident desire to acquit great historical personages of the charge of unsoundness of mind, even where they have displayed not simply hallucinations of the senses, but delusions of the mind also. Pope is not to be set Of the instances of hallucination codown as mad because he saw an arm existing with sanity, cited by M. Brierre come out of the wall; nor Dr. Johnson, de Boismont as occurring in great men, because he heard his mother's voice call the most persistent is that which affected "Samuel" when he knew her to be far the first Napoleon. He had a brilliant away; nor Goethe, because he one day star all to himself, which, according to his saw the counterpart of himself coming own assertion, never abandoned him, and towards him; nor Byron, because, as the which he saw, on all great occasions, comeffect of over-excitement of the brain, he manding him to advance, and serving as occasionally fancied he was visited by a a sure augury and sign of success. The specter; nor Lord Castlereagh, because seeing of such a star, associated with such he twice saw the vision of the "Radiant belief in its reality, is scarcely compatible Boy;" nor St. Dunstan, Loyola, and La- with sanity, and the case is not improved ther, because of their hallucinations; nor by the adjuncts of unscrupulous appropriaJoan of Arc, perhaps, because of the tion of the property of others, insatiable visions which alternately stimulated her ambition, diabolical cruelty, and inveterate patriotism, and were born of her enthusi- falsehood. It would not be difficult, asm. It is impossible, however, to read indeed, to discover in this extraordinary the account given of Benvenuto Cellini at man that union of intellectual with moral page 62, without entertaining very grave unsoundness which makes up the history doubts of the propriety of classing him of so many acknowledged lunatics. But with persons having "hallucinations co- some allowance must be made for the existent with sanity." The remainder of the examples cited in this chapter do not appear to be misplaced. The hallucinations were only of occasional occurrence; they were dependent upon transitory causes; they did not exercise any permanent effect upon conduct; or they grew out of the excitement of great enterprises which they did not mar or

times in which he lived, and the examples of craft and cruelty which he had placed before him in the early part of his career. So that M. Brierre de Boismont may be forgiven for including the name of Napoleon Bonaparte in his list of great men who preserved their sanity in spite of hallucinations.

From the Westminster Review.

GARIBALDI AND THE ITALIAN VOLUNTEERS.*

no scope for the development of his energies, he soon sought a wider field of action in South-America, where he entered the service of the Republic of Uruguay, then engaged in a struggle for independence with Rosas, the Dictator of Buenos Ayres.

has fostered in them a rough spirit of in- | military qualities as the most martial of dependence and a love of adventure, un- European nations. For a while, Garirivaled in the rest of the Peninsula. baldi passed over to Tunis, but finding Garibaldi, the son of an old sea-captain, was plentifully endowed with the peculi arities of his race. The constant sight of the sea, and the early habit of struggling with the elements, doubtless contributed to form his intense and passionate love of liberty; and often confined to Genoa by the duties of his service, he was naturally predisposed to adopt the doctrines of Mazzini-himself a Genoese-who at that time first appeared on the stage of Italian politics. Mazzini was not then what he has become since. He had just proclaimed that idea of Italian unity, which had seemed a fair but marble statue since the days of Machiavelli and Dante, to be a living object of desire; his countrymen were struck with admiration at the boldness of his projects, and fascinated by the eloquence with which he defended them; and the means he pointed out for attainment of the ultimate aim seemed the only ones possible, while every sovereign of the Peninsula was closely leagued with Austria and bent in lowly submission before the successor of St. Peter. Mazzini's thoughts were then in harmony with those of his nation, other and more practical men had not as yet attempted the realization of his idea, solitary and continual brooding had not deadened him to all but the suggestions of his own selfadoring and mystical mind, nor had exile dug a deep abyss between his highlycolored ideal and the practical aspirations of his countrymen. It was therefore natural that Garibaldi, already an ardent devotee of Italian liberty, should readily enter into schemes the practicability of which had not yet been put to

the test.

The first attempt at the regeneration of Italy by means of the revolution was crushed in the bud, Mazzini and his chief partisans were forced to seek safety in flight, and Garibaldi, whose offense was rendered the more heinous by his rank in the Sardinian navy, soon found himself an exile at Marseilles. His character was too frank and energetic for him to partake the mole-like existence of his leader; conspiracy, however noble its object, was no occupation for one who is emphatically the soldier of Italy, and whose object through life has been to prove that his countrymen are as well endowed with all

The task intrusted to Garibaldi would have been enough to overwhelm one less able or less resolute to him it proved but the training for greater deeds. Obliged to fight by sea and land alternately, he had to create a fleet by capturing the vessels of the enemy, and to organize a military force from whatever elements happened to present themselves. It was during these years of warfare that he raised his Italian legion, a part of which following him to Europe, became the nucleus of the bands that he long afterwards led to the defense of Rome, and several of the officers by whom he is still surrounded attached themselves to him at this period. Among these we may es pecially note Origoni, then his second in command, and his lieutenant at sea, afterwards the companion of his wanderings, and his fellow-laborer on his Sardinian farm, lastly, chief of the staff of his little army.

It would be tedious to trace, one by one, the series of actions by which Garibaldi compelled Rosas finally to acknowledge the independence of Uruguay, a concession which paved the way to his own downfall. It is more interesting for us to mark the effects of these actions on Garibaldi himself and on the minds of his followers. Often defeated, sometimes apparently on the verge of destruction, he never despaired, never gave in. Gradu ally he acquired all the qualifications of a consummate guerrilla leader. Practice taught him how to harass and confound a numerically superior enemy by sudden marches and unexpected attacks, in which the bayonet played a chief part, as the weapon of most deadly effect in the hands of resolute and enthusiastic men; he learned how to take advantage of every dell and mound, and how to profit by the slightest error of his adversary. Deep study of the science of war has since added to his qualifications as a great leader, and shown him how to improve stratagem by art; but the talent he above all pos

sesses is that of inspiring confidence in | before they discovered their mistake, a his followers. His brilliant yet uncon- repetition of a device he had once pracscious personal bravery, his simple hardi- ticed at sea in South-America, led the ig hood, his readinesss of resource in all norant peasants, and the no less superemergencies, his strict justice, and the stitious Austrian soldiers, to believe his severe discipline tempered by affection- success attributable to means more than ate care for the well-being of "his sons," human. as he has ever delighted to call his soldiers, all contribute to insure to him their respect and passionate devotion, which makes it their highest ambition to earn his praise, while a word from him is enough to urge them to almost superhuman exertion, since they never doubt either the success or the necessity of a movement he orders.

A wider field of exertion soon presented itself. Rome proclaimed the republic after the flight of the Pope, his old friend and associate Mazzini was elected triumvir, and Garibaldi hastened to lead his band, swelled by the adventurous spirits of every part of Italy, from the Lombard hills to the smooth Campagna. The gallant resistance of the young republic The war in South-America had been was chiefly owing to him, and to the spirit concluded about two years, and Garibaldi he infused into all who came within the had retired with his wife (a Brazilian lady, sphere of his influence. From the time who had shared all the perils of his cam- of his arrival he recommended that nupaigns) to a farm he posssessed and culti-merous battalions should be raised, and vated with his own hands, when intelli- preparations made for a siege, and had gence of the revolutions of 1848 reached Montevideo. Italy was in arms! The opportunity for which Garibaldi had panted through long years of exile, in anticipation of which he had so anxiously disciplined his Italian followers, had arrived at last. Accompanied by Annita, his two young sons, and his faithful band, he lost no time in setting sail for Europe, but with all his haste he did not arrive until the fortune of battle had already turned against Italy. His first impulse was to offer his sword to Charles Albert, but his reputation as a Mazzinian had preceded him, and the king recoiled from accepting the services of a republican leader. It was indeed too late; and though the local government of Lombardy readily entered into an arrangement with Garibaldi, and he accordingly took the field, advancing in the first instance as far as Brescia, and afterwards carried on a guerrilla warfare for several weeks in the mountainous district around the Lake of Como, and in the Valtellina, his exertions had no other effect than to lay the foundation of that fame which has since drawn so many volunteers to his standard, and to inspire the Austrians with a terror they have never been able to shake off. The dexterity with which he baffled all pursuit, his skillful marches, and bold attacks on points where he was least expected, above all, the manner in which he on one occasion, near Varese, made his way between two divisions of pursuing Austrians, leaving them to fight each other for some hours in the dark,

these measures been adopted, the defense, even if finally unsuccessful, might certainly have been indefinitely prolonged. But practical exertion speedily displayed the different characters of Mazzini and Garibaldi, and the effect of the lives they had led since they planned and hoped together so many years before. The one, of whom it is no reproach to say that his character fulfills the romantic conception of a conspirator's living alone, or in the society of devoted adherents, who drank in his words as the decisions of an inspired oracle, had woven for himself an unreal metaphysical world of imagination, through the mazes of which he delighted to wander, and when called on to govern the Republic, whose image he had so often conjured up, transferred his ideal of what should be to the management of public affairs. The other, frank and daring, trained in action, and tested by long habit of command, was influenced by no such illusions, and thus Garibaldi was ever urging rapid preparation and energetic arming, while Mazzini was dreaming of the fraternity of nations, and hoping that the very weakness and inoffensiveness of the State he governed would afford it protection, even after the first booming of cannon might have taught him to cast such fancies to the winds.

Thwarted in his schemes and circumscribed in his actions, Garibaldi added daily to his fame and to that of his band by continual sallies and skirmishes, testifying at once to his bravery and his skill.