ed or sent to sea, till the arrears of the whole army were paid; for this purpose they presented a petition to the house, which they resented, and instead of giving them soft language, and encouragement to hope for some suitable rewards for their past services, ordered them to be reprimanded, for presuming to meddle in affairs of state that did not belong to them. But the officers proving as resolute as their masters, instead of submitting, presented another petition, in which having justified their behavior, they boldly strike at the parliament's continuance, and put them in mind how many years they had sat; that they had engrossed all preferments and places of profit to themselves and their friends; that it was a manifest injury to the gentlemen of the nation, to be excluded the service of their country, and an invasion of the rights of the people, to deprive them of the right of frequent choosing new representatives; they therefore insist upon their settling a new council of state for the administration of public affairs; and upon their fixing a peremptory day for the choice of a new parliament.

This was a new and delicate crisis; the civil and military powers being engaged against each other, and resolv ed to maintain their respective pretentions: If Cromwell, with the sword in his hand, bad secured the election of a free representative of the people, and left the settlement of the nation to them, all men would have honored and blessed him, for the people were certainly, weary of the parliament. But when the officers had destroyed this form of government, they were not agreed what to establish, whether a monarchy, or a new republic; the general, being for a mixed monarchy, had no doubt, some ambitious views to himself, and therefore called together some select friends of several professions to advise on the affair, when Sir Tho. Widdrington, lord chief justice St. John, and the rest of the lawyers, declared for monarchy, as most agreeable to the old constitution, and proposed the duke of Gloucester for king; but the officers of the army then present declared for a republic. Cromwell himself, after much hesitation, gave his opinion for something of a monarchical power, as most agreeable to the genius of the English, if it might be accomplished with safety to their rights and privileges as Englishmen and christians.

VOL. IV.

12

Some time after Cromwell desired Mr. Whitlocke's opinion upon the present situation of affairs: "My lord (says he) it is time to consider of our present danger, that we may not be broken in pieces by our particular quarrels after we have gained an entire conquest over the enemy." Whitlocke replied, "that all their danger was from the army, who were men of emulation, and had now nothing to do." Cromwell answered, "that the officers thought themselves not rewarded according to their deserts; that the parliament had engrossed all places of honor and trust among themselves; that they delayed the public business, and designed to perpetuate themselves; that the officers thought it impossible to keep them within the bounds of justice, law, or reason, unless there was some authority or power to which they might be accountable." Whitlocke said, he believed the parliament were honest men, and designed the public good, though some particular persons might be to blame, but that it was absurd for the officers who were private men, and had received their commissions from the parliament, to pretend to control them." "But, says Cromwell, what if a man should take upon him to be king ?” Whitlocke answered, "that the remedy was worse than the disease; and that the general had already all the power of a king without the envy, danger, and pomp of the title." "But, says he, the title of KING would make all acts done by him legal; it would indemnify those that should act under him at all events, and be of advantage to curb the insolence of those whom the present powers could not control." Whitlocke agreed to the general's reasons, but desired him to consider, "Whether the title of KING would not lose him his best friends in the army, as well as those gentlemen who were for settling a free commonwealth; but if we must have a king, (says he) the question will be, whether it shall be Cromwell or Stuart ?" The general asking his opinion upon this, Whitlocke proposed a private treaty with the king of Scots, with whom he might make his own terms, and raise his family to what pitch of greatness he pleased; but Cromwell was so apprehensive of the danger of this proposal, that he broke off the conversation.

↑ Whitlocke, p. 523, &c.

with some marks of dissatisfaction, and never made use of Whitlocke with confidence afterwards.

Thus things remained throughout the whole winter; the army having little to do after the battle of Worcester drew near to London, but there was no treaty of accommodation between them and the parliament; one would not disband without their full pay; nor the other dissolve by the direction of their own servants, but voted the expedience of filling up their numbers, and that it should be high treason to petition for their dissolution. When the general heard this, he called a council of officers to Whitehall, who all agreed that it was not fit the parliament should continue any longer. This was published in hopes of frightening the house to make some advances towards a dissolution; but when colonel Ingoldsby informed the general next morning, that they were concluding upon an act to prolong the session for another year, he rose up in a heat, and with a small retinue of officers and soldiers marched to the parliament-house April 20, and having placed his men without doors, went into the house, and heard the debates. After some time he beckoned to colonel Harrison, on the other side of the house, and told him in his ear, that he thought the parliament was ripe for dissolution, and that this was the time for doing it. Harrison replied, that the work was dangerous, and desired him to think better of it. Upon this he sat down about a quarter of an hour, and then said, this is the time, I must do it; and rising up in his place, he told the house, that he was come to put an end to their power, of which they had made so ill an use; that some of them were whore-masters, looking towards Harry Martin and Sir Peter Wentworth ; others

Here may be inserted, from Whitloske, two anecdotes, which afford a pleasing specimen of the temper of the quakers under ill-treatment. Feb. 3, 1653, they were assaulted and beaten by 'some people in the north. Feb. 13, 1654, a similar outrage was offered to others of them, at Hasington in Northumberland, for speaking to the ministers on the sabbath-day: so that one or two of them were almost killed. The quakers fell on their kuees and prayed to God to forgive the people, as those who knew not what they did; and remonstrated with them so as to convince them of the evil of their conduct, on which they ceased from their violence, and began to reproach each other with being the occasions of it: and, in the last instance, beat one another more than they had before the quakers. Memorials, p. 564, 599. Ed.

were drunkards, and some corrupt and unjust men, who had not at heart the public good, but were only for perpetuating their own power. Upon the whole, he thought they had sat long enough, and therefore desired them to retire and go away. When some of the members began to reply, he stept into the middle of the house, and said, Come, come, I will put an end to your prating; you are no parliament; I say you are no parliament; and stamping with his foot, a file of musqueteers entered the house; one of whom he commanded to take away that fool's bauble the mace. And major Harrison taking the speaker by the arm, conducted him out of the chair. Cromwell then seizing upon their papers obliged them to walk out of the house; and having caused the doors to be locked upon them, returned to Whitehall.

In the afternoon the general went to the council of state, attended by major-general Lambert and Harrison, and as he entered the room, said, "Gentlemen, if you are met here as private persons you shall not be disturbed, but if as a council of state, this is no place for you; and since you cannot but know what was done in the morning, so take notice the parliament is dissolved." Serjeant Bradshaw replied, Sir, we have heard what you did in the morning, but you are mistaken to think the parliament is dissolved, for no power can dissolve them but themselves; therefore take you notice of that." But the general not being terrified with big words, the council thought it their wisest way to rise up and go home.

Thus ended the commonwealth of England, after it had continued four years, two months, and twenty days, which, though no better than an usurpation, had raised the credit of the nation to a very high pitch of glory and renown; and with the commonwealth ended the remains of the long parliament for the present; an assembly famous throughout all the world for its undertakings, actions, and successes:* "the acts of this parliament (says Mr. Coket) will

* Mrs. Macaulay, after quoting the high eulogiums made on the government of this parliament, adds, "it is to be remembered, that to them is due the singular praise of having pursued the true interest of their country in attending particularly to its maritime strength, and carrying on its foreign wars by its naval power. This example, which + Detect. p. 363.

hardly find belief in future ages; and to say the truth, they were a race of men most indefatigable and industrious in business, always seeking men fit for it, and never prefering any for favor or importunity you hardly ever heard of any revolt from them; no soldiers or seamen being ever pressed. And as they excelled in civil affairs, so it must be confessed, they exercised in matters ecclesiastical no such severities as others before them did upon such as dissented from them."

But their foundation was bad, and many of their actions highly criminal; they were a packed assembly, many of their members being excluded by force, before they could be secure of a vote to put the late king to death-they subverted the constitution, by setting up themselves, and continuing their sessions after his majesty's demise-by erecting high courts of justice of their own nomination for capital offences-by raising taxes, and doing all other acts of sovereignty without consent of the people; all which they designed to perpetuate among themselves, without being accountable to any superior, or giving place to a new body of representatives. If then it be enquired, what right or authority general Cromwell and his officers had to offer violence to this parliament, it may be replied, 1. The right of self-preservation, the ruin of one or the other being unavoidable. 2. The right that every Englishman has to put an end to an usurpation when it is in his power,provided he can substitute something better in its room; and if Cromwell could by this method have restored the constitution, and referred the settlement of the government to a free and full representative of the people, no wise man would have blamed him. It was not therefore his turning out the old parliament that was criminal, but his not summoning a new one, by a fair and free election of the people; and yet Mr. Rapint is of opinion, that even this was impracticable, raised England to so great an height of glory and prosperity, has never yet been followed, and in all probability never will, by the succeeding monarchs. The aim of princes is to make conquests on their subjects, not to enlarge the empire of a free people. A standing army is a never-failing instrument of domestic triumph; and it is very doubtful, whether a naval force could be rendered useful in any capacity but that of extending the power and prosperity of the country." Hist. of England, vol. v. p. 106, note, 8vo. Ed. + Vol. ii. p. 289, folio edit.