to me that all this might have been done, and every soul have remained in full alienation from God....But the interesting fact is, that, during the whole of that time in which I made an attempt against the natural enmity of the mind to God; while I was inattentive to the way in which this enmity is dissolved, even by the free offer on the one hand, and by the believing acceptance on the other, of the Gospel of salvation: while Christ, through whose blood, the sinner, that by nature stands afar off, is brought near to the heavenly Lawgiver whom he has offended, was scarcely ever spoken of, or spoken of in such a way as stripped him of all the importance of his character and offices; though, even at this time, I certainly did press the reformation of honour, and truth, and integrity among my people, I never once heard of any such reformations being effected among them. It was not till I became impressed with the utter alienation of the heart in all its desires and affections from God: it was not till I took the scriptural way of laying the doctrine of reconciliation before my people: it was not till the free offer of forgiveness, through the blood of Christ, was urged, upon their acceptance, and the Holy Spirit, given through the channel of Christ's mediation to all who ask it, was set before them; that I ever heard of any of those subordinate reformations which I had hitherto made the earnest and zealous, but, I am afraid, the ultimate object of my earlier ministrations......You have taught me, that, to preach

Christ, is the only effective way of preaching morality."

But whilst I cordially concur with one who has thus reduced his opinions to practice, that it is in vain to hope for the reformation of morals, except through the medium of religion, I should be equally sure of the concurrence of that distinguished individual in maintaining that it is no less the duty of the Christian divine to insist upon all those moral duties which are the first fruits and best evidences of genuine religion. And in the discharge of this solemn duty the Christian minister will be able to derive large assistance from that Sacred Volume of which he is the appointed interpreter.

Christianity indeed, as a religion designed for all ages and countries, has left many of those minuter points altogether untouched, for which political antagonists are most apt to contend. It is a system rather of principles than of enactments; it has not expressed a decided preference for any particular form of government; it has not fixed the limits of the power to be placed in the hands of the rulers; it has not determined to what person or family that power shall be confided. Nevertheless, while it founds all power of man over man upon the authority of God; "there is no power but of God;" "the powers that be are ordained of God; "-whilst it regards every ruler as the mere instrument of God; "they are God's ministers for good to those that do well; and his revengers to execute wrath on evil-doers;"-it abounds

in principles and precepts which, if duly inculcated, must tend in the highest degree to secure the permanence of thrones and the well-being of subjects.

Let it not be feared, however, that I am about to enter upon the specification of these principles and rules. Such an undertaking would demand rather a volume than a few hasty pages. But, can a Christian Minister be considered as faithful to his high trust, when the course of his ministry carries him into this particular department of morals, if he does not insist upon topics such as those which follow?

Is it not his imperative duty, for example, honestly, fearlessly, and as a man speaking from a higher authority than that of kings, to remind rulers of every class, that, as all power is derived from God, it is all to be consecrated to his glory; that, as it is given not for the mere benefit of the individual, but of the community, it must not be diverted from the wide stream of public interest into the narrow channels of private gratification; that, as the first springs of national happiness are to be found in national piety and morals, it is one of the first duties of rulers to watch over their health and purity; that, as the Sacred Scriptures are the great depositories of religious and moral truth, no effort should be spared to give circulation to the Scriptures, and to secure ministers who will faithfully, zealously, and devoutly interpret and enforce them; that, as the element of love is that alone in which the spirit of genuine piety

can flourish, no sacrifice should be grudged to cherish it in all classes of the community; that, as the lower orders are fashioned and moulded to a great extent, after the pattern of the higher, the leading authorities of the state should take care, by the strict observation of the Sabbath, by a close and delighted attention to religious ordinancies, by setting their face like a flint against irreligion and vice, by refusing to replenish the public purse with the wages of immorality, by exhibiting religion, not merely in the outward trapings of a splendid ceremonial, but, surrounded by all her proper attributes of justice, purity, love, tolerance, and beneficence, to lift her to that lofty pedestal which she ought to occupy in the public eye?

In like manner, no minister of religion can be considered as true to his high office who does not insist upon all those great general principles, either stated in Scripture or deduced by necessary inference from it, by which the conduct of subjects to their rulers ought to be governed. He will, for example, instruct his hearers, that the duty of obedience to man is built upon the same foundation with that of obedience to God; that the faults of the ruler must not tempt us to forget what is due to his office; that the honour, comfort, and welfare of our rulers should be precious in our eyes; that there must be in us a readiness to do and to suffer for the public good; that greatness, as such, should not be an object

of jealousy or distrust; that a spirit of complaint is a temper of mind point blank opposed to the spirit of genuine religion; that perfection is to be expected neither in men nor institutions; that large allowance is to be made for the trials, temptations, difficulties of public men; that they are to be earnestly committed to God in prayer; that we are not to charge those evils upon governors which are the result either of the appointment of Providence or the bad passions of men; that it becomes the ordinary citizen to give more study to the duties of subjects to rulers, than of rulers to subjects; that liberty and licentiousness are not identical possessions; that, whilst we are rather to disobey our rulers than break the laws of God, we are to shrink from every effort to subject either laws and governors to the despotism of a mob; that every attempt to improve an established system of laws is to be made quietly and constitutionally; and finally, that every true citizen is pledged hand and heart to repel every invader of law, or of legitimate authority, at home or abroad. It would be easy almost indefinitely to multiply these propositions; but those which have been now adduced may serve as a specimen of the topics on which a Minister of the Sanctuary will not hesitate to insist when circumstances conduct him to this department of morals: he holds the mysterious key which, beyond every other instrument, locks or unlocks the good and bad passions of the multitude; and it is for him.