TALLEYRAND is the most famous

of modern diplomatists, not for his success in behalf of his country, but for his ability in securing recognition of the necessity of his services from its various governments, antagonistic to each other. Notorious for his falsehoods and supremely selfish, he yet rendered to France, at critical junctures, important service which no other could have done.

Charles Maurice Talleyrand de Périgord was born at Paris on the 2d of February, 1754. His family was of local celebrity, and his father served in the Seven Years' War. Charles was the eldest son, but being lamed by accident in boyhood, was excluded by his father from succession to his title and destined to the Church, though his desire was to enter the army. The victim, however, devoted himself to study in the three seminaries he attended, and took orders at the usual age. Yet the young Abbé de Périgord became noted rather as a rake and a wit than as a theologian. Nevertheless, at the age of twenty-six he was nominated agent-general of the clergy. In this position he displayed much aptitude, and finally, in 1789, Louis XVI., in fulfilment of a promise to Talleyrand's father, when dying, appointed him Bishop of Autun.

Talleyrand had been a watchful observer of the current of political events, and resolved to profit by it. The clergy of

his diocese elected him as their representative in the StatesGeneral. His speech on this occasion proved his ability as a political leader. Mirabeau soon recognized this ecclesiastic, who was a disgrace to his profession, as one of the most subtle and powerful intellects of the age. The dexterity with which he handled the most momentous subjects increased his popularity. He became an authority on constitutional, financial, and educational questions, and was selected as one of the committee to draw up the Declaration of Rights. He voted that the clergy should be united with the commons when they were joined into a National Assembly. He also proposed the abolition of tithes and strongly insisted that the vote should be unanimous. But his perverse hostility to the profession to which he nominally belonged was most conspicuously shown when he introduced the project for confiscating the landed property of the Church. In vain did the clergy, especially those of his own diocese, petition and remonstrate. He saw that such a measure must be passed, and he resolved to have the credit of proposing it. This act made him so popular with the revolutionists that on the 13th of February, 1790, he was elected President of the Assembly for a fortnight. The versa

Numerous reforms were introduced by him. tility of his talents was shown in his reports on the finances and the details of government. Like Mirabeau, he has been accused of appropriating the literary labors of others. On the 14th of July he officiated at the festival of the new constitution (see Vol. VI., p. 103). Some months later he Consecrated two new bishops, and professed his attachment to the Roman Church, probably in the hope of averting the Pope's excommunication, which came in April, 1791. Talleyrand then resigned his bishopric of Autun, and thenceforth devoted himself entirely to secular affairs. By the death of Mirabeau he was left without a rival. He was now appointed director of the Department of Paris. His remarkable report on public instruction has been the model on which were based the later changes in the educational system of France.

Talleyrand, however, had never been heartily in favor of the Republic, and he was glad to be sent on a secret mission to England. The object was to induce the English ministry

to resume peaceful relations with France. In this he was unsuccessful, and in the meantime he was denounced as a royalist by the Jacobins, even while the royalists regarded him as a Jacobin. Yet after the death of Louis XVI. he still acted as agent for the Republic and endeavored to stir up the disaffected English Liberals, but without success, as he reported, for want of money. In December he was proscribed by the French government, but remained in London until January, 1794, when the English government, at the instance of some émigrés, ordered him to leave. He found a refuge in the United States, and brought a letter of introduction to Washington from Lord Lansdowne. He settled in New York city, and engaged in trade; but after the death of Robespierre, Madame de Staël obtained for him permission to return. He landed at Hamburg, and there fell in with a Mrs. Grant, who had been the mistress of an English official in India. She was notoriously stupid, yet Talleyrand afterwards married her.

On his arrival in Paris he joined the party of Barras, and in 1797 the Directory, following public opinion, made him Secretary of Foreign Affairs. He was now the most powerful person in France, but he recognized the superior genius of Napoleon. When the latter returned from Egypt, their common interest drew them together, and in the Revolution of the 18th Brumaire, the audacity of Bonaparte executed the crafty designs of Talleyrand. The latter now exerted himself to obtain peace with other nations, and was successful in forming first the Treaty of Lunéville with Austria, and then the Treaty of Amiens with England. He then, on his own behalf, compelled the Pope to secularize him by brief. Talleyrand had no sincere friendship for Napoleon, but used him as a means towards his own aggrandizement. He, however, greatly strengthened his master's power both as First Consul and as Emperor. He has been unjustly accused of inducing Napoleon to commit the crime of kidnapping and executing the Duc d'Enghien, in March, 1804. Josephine hated and denounced him.

Talleyrand assisted in organizing the Confederation of the Rhine in 1806, and in negotiating the peace of Tilsit with the

Czar Alexander in 1807. He refused, however, to take part in Napoleon's usurpation in Spain, and was therefore dismissed from office, but was made Prince of Beneventum and vice-grand-elector of the new empire. Though no longer possessing the emperor's confidence, he was occasionally summoned to attend the councils, and was intrusted with difficult negotiations. He disapproved of the invasion of Russia, and though after that disastrous campaign he was invited to again take the ministry of foreign affairs, he refused, because required to give up his vice-grandelectorship.

In

He now became the leader of those in France who were opposed to Napoleon, and the communications with the Allies and with the Bourbons passed through him. When the Allies entered Paris, Talleyrand was made President of the provisional government, and he prevailed on the Emperor Alexander to declare the restoration of the Bourbons. May, 1814, Talleyrand again became minister of foreign affairs, and in June he was created a prince and peer of France. He was sent as plenipotentiary to the Congress of Vienna, and successfully defended the claim of France to take part in the new arrangement of European affairs. Owing to his efforts France was left in full possession of all the territory it held in 1792.

When Napoleon returned from Elba, Talleyrand contented himself with calling on the Allies to help the king; and they, after Waterloo, required the king to restore him to his former post. He was, however, generally disliked, and disagreed with his colleagues. He therefore retired from office, but was made the king's chamberlain. As a member of the House of Peers he took delight in opposing and thwarting the acts of the government. In the three days' revolution in July, 1830, the veteran diplomatist was the chief adviser of Louis Philippe, and when he took the oath of allegiance, he remarked coolly, "It is the thirteenth time." The king offered him his old position, but he preferred to go as ambassador to England. He effected a reconciliation between the two countries, and remained in London four years. In January, 1835, he returned to France and retired to pri

vate life. He died in Paris on the 17th of May, 1838, at the age of eighty-four.

Talleyrand left Memoirs which were to be kept secret for fifty years. They have been edited by Duc de Broglie, but are found to abound in falsehood and mystification. His Letters, more recently published, are equally disappointing. They amply confirm the impression of his character, derived from other sources. He was reserved, prudent, observant, sagacious, and always cool-headed. His character is well ex

pressed in the saying, commonly but incorrectly attributed to him, "Language was given to us that we might disguise our thoughts." He never hesitated to tell a falsehood to accomplish any object, yet he was faithful to every trust committed to him. He was addicted to gambling, a lover of wealth, however acquired, shamelessly corrupt and immoral. He was a shrewd judge of men and nature, and of the probable course of events. It was his constant endeavor to be on the winning side, and in this his success was marvellous. His astuteness is most strongly manifest in his disapproval of Napoleon's usurpation in Spain and the wild project of Russian invasion, leading to his complete withdrawal from that conqueror's service. Talleyrand was a clever diplomatist because he used in his country's behalf the same shrewdness and stratagem that he employed for himself. But for the higher interests of humanity he cared nothing from first to last. Napoleon said of the man who had long been in most intimate relations with him: "Talleyrand was always in a state of treason, but it was a treasonable complicity with fortune herself. His circumspection was extreme; he conducted himself towards his friends as if, at some future time, they might be his enemies, and towards his enemies as if they might become his friends."

THE PARTING OF THE WAYS.

M. de Talleyrand, the empire once established and fortunate, had attached himself to it with a sort of enthusiasm. The poesy of victory and the eloquence of an exalted imagination subdued for a time the usual nonchalance and moderation of his character. He entered into all Napoleon's plans for