national character? I address myself now to such persons only as think the character of a nation an essential part of its strength, and consequently of its safety. But if, among persons of that description, there be one who, with all his zeal for the glory of his country, has yet at times been willing to abandon the contest in mere weariness and despair, of such a man I would ask, whether he can indicate the period at which he now wishes that such an abandonment had been consented to by the Government and the Parliament of Great Britain? Is it when the Continent was at peace-when, looking upon the map of Europe, you saw one mighty and connected system, one great luminary, with his attendant satellites circulating around him; at that period could this country have made peace, and have remained at peace for a twelvemonth? What is the answer? Why, that the experiment was tried. The result was the renewal of the war. I was Was it at a later period, when the Continental system had been established? When two-thirds of the ports of Europe were shut against you? When but a single link was wanting to bind the Continent in a circling chain of iron, which should exclude you from intercourse with other nations? At that moment peace was most earnestly recommended to you. At that moment, gentlemen, I first came among you. At that moment I ventured to recommend to you perseverance, patient perseverance; and to express a hope that, by the mere strain of an unnatural effort, the massive bonds imposed upon the nations of the Continent might, at no distant period, burst asunder. heard by you with indulgence-I know not whether with conviction. But is it now to be regretted that we did not at that moment yield to the pressure of our wants or of our fears? What has been the issue? The Continental system was completed, with the sole exception of Russia, in the year 1812. In that year the pressure upon this country was undoubtedly painful. Had we yielded, the system would have been immortal. We persevered, and, before the conclusion of another year, the system was at an end: at an end, as all schemes of violence naturally terminate, not by a mild and gradual decay, such as waits upon a regular and well-spent life, but by sudden dissolution; at an end, like the breaking up of a winter's frost. But yesterday the whole Continent, like a mighty plain covered with one mass of ice, presented to the view a drear expanse of barren uniformity; to-day, the breath of heaven unbinds the earth, the streams begin to flow again, and the intercourse of human kind revives. Can we regret that we did not, like the fainting traveller, lie down to rest-but, indeed, to perish-under the severity of that inclement season? Did we not more wisely to bear up, and to wait the change? Gentlemen, I have said that I should be ashamed, and in truth I should be so, to address you in the language of exultation, if it were merely for the indulgence, however legitimate, of an exuberant and ungovernable joy. But they who have suffered great privations have a claim not merely to consolation, but to something more. They are justly to be compensated for what they have undergone, or lost, or hazarded, by the contemplation of what they have gained. We have gained, then, a rank and authority in Europe, such as, for the life of the longest liver of those who now hear me, must place this country upon an eminence which no probable reverses can shake. We have gained, or rather we have recovered, a splendour of military glory, which places us by the side of the greatest military nations in the world. At the beginning of this war, while there was not a British bosom that did not beat with rapture at the exploits of our navy, there were few who would not have been contented to compromise for that reputation alone; to claim the sea as exclusively our province, and to leave to France and the other Continental powers the struggle for superiority by land. That fabled deity, whom I see portrayed upon the wall,* was considered as the exclusive patron of British prowess in battle; but in seeming accordance with the beautiful fiction of ancient mythology, our Neptune, in the heat of contest, smote the earth with his trident, and up sprang the fiery war-horse, the emblem of military power. Let Portugal, now led to the pursuit of her flying conquerors let liberated Spain - let France, invaded in her turn by those whom she had overrun or menaced with invasion, attest the triumphs of the army of Great Britain, and the equality of her military with her naval fame. And let those who, even after the triumphs of the Peninsula had begun, while they admitted that we had, indeed, wounded the giant in the heel, still deemed the rest of his huge frame invulnerable-let them now behold him reeling under the blows of united nations, and acknowledge at once the might of British arms and the force of British example. I do not say that these are considerations with a view to which the war, if otherwise terminable, ought to have been purposely protracted; but I say that, upon the retrospect, we have good reason to rejoice that the war was not closed ingloriously and insecurely, when the latter events of it have been such as have established our security by our glory. I say we have reason to rejoice, that, during the period when the Continent was prostrate before France- that, especially during the period when the Continental system was in force, we did not shrink from the struggle; that we did not make peace for present and momentary ease, * A figure of Neptune. unmindful of the permanent safety and greatness of this country; that we did not leave unsolved the momentous questions, whether this country could maintain itself against France, unaided and alone; or with the Continent divided; or with the Continent combined against it; whether, when the wrath of the tyrant of the European world was kindled against us with sevenfold fury, we could or could not walk unharmed and unfettered through the flames? all the other countries, our allies, would have been to be purchased with sacrifices profusely poured out from the lap of British victory. Not a throne to be re-established, not a province to be evacuated, not a garrison to be withdrawn, but this country would have had to make compensation out of her conquests for the concessions obtained from the enemy. Now, happily, this work is already done, either by our efforts or to our hands. The Peninsula free already, in a great measure, restored, Great Britain may now appear in the congress of the world, rich in conquests, nobly and rightfully won, with little claim upon her faith or her pulse of her generosity or her moderation. I say we have reason to rejoice that, through--the lawful commonwealth of European states out this more than Punic war, in which it has so often been the pride of our enemy to represent herself as the Rome, and England as the Carthage, of modern times (with at least this colour for the comparison, that the utter destruc-justice, whatever may be the spontaneous imtion of the modern Carthage has uniformly been proclaimed to be indispensable to the greatness of her rival), we have, I say, reason to rejoice that, unlike our assigned prototype, we have not been diverted by internal dissensions from the vigorous support of a vital struggle; that we have not suffered distress nor clamour to distract our counsels, or to check the exertions of our arms. Gentlemen, for twenty years that I have sat in Parliament, I have been an advocate of the war. You knew this when you did me the honour to choose me as your representative. I then told you that I was the advocate of the war, because I was a lover of peace; but of a peace that should be the fruit of honourable exertion-a peace that should have a character of dignity-a peace that should be worth preserving, and should be likely to endure. I confess I was not sanguine enough, at that time, to hope that I should so soon have an opportunity of justifying my professions. But I know not why six weeks hence, such a peace should not be made as England may not only be glad, but proud to ratify. Not such a peace, gentlemen, as that of Amiens-a short and feverish interval of unrefreshing repose. During that peace, which of you went or sent a son to Paris, who did not feel or learn that an Englishman appeared in France shorn of the dignity of his country; with the mien of a suppliant, and the conscious prostration of a man who had consented to purchase his gain or his ease by submission? But let a peace be made to-morrow, such as the allies have now the power to dictate, and the meanest of the subjects of this kingdom shall not walk the streets of Paris without being pointed out as the compatriot of Wellington; as one of that nation whose firmness and perseverance have humbled France and rescued Europe. Is there any man that has a heart in his bosom who does not find, in the contemplation of this contrast alone, a recompense for the struggles and the sufferings of years? But, gentlemen, the doing right is not only the most honourable course of action-it is also the most profitable in its result. At any former period of the war, the independence of almost Such, gentlemen, is the situation and prospect of affairs at the moment at which I have the honour to address you. That you, gentlemen, may have your full share in the prosperity of your country, is my sincere and earnest wish. The courage with which you bore up in adverse circumstances eminently entitles you to this reward. For myself, gentlemen, while I rejoice in your returning prosperity, I rejoice also that our connection began under auspices so much less favourable; that we had an opportunity of knowing each other's minds in times when the minds of men are brought to the proof-times of trial and difficulty. I had the satisfaction of avowing to you, and you the candour and magnanimity to approve, the principles and opinions by which my public conduct has uniformly been guided, at a period when the soundness of those opinions and the application of those principles was matter of doubt and controversy. I thought, and I said, at the time of our first meeting, that the cause of England and of civilised Europe must be ultimately triumphant, if we but preserved our spirit untainted and our constancy unshaken. Such an assertion was, at that time, the object of ridicule with many persons: a single year has elapsed, and it is now the voice of the whole world. Gentlemen, we may, therefore, confidently indulge the hope that our opinions will continue in unison; that our concurrence will be as cordial as it has hitherto been, if unhappily any new occasion of difficulty or embarrassment should hereafter arise. At the present moment, I am sure, we are equally desirous to bury the recollection of all our differences with others in that general feeling of exultation in which all opinions happily combine. ON PARLIAMENTARY REFORM, 1820.* I need not say, gentlemen, that I am one of the last men to disparage the utility and dignity * Delivered at Liverpool, March 18, 1820. of popular elections. I have good cause to speak of them in far different language. But, among numberless other considerations which endear to me the favours which I have received at your hands, I confess it is one that, as your representative, I am enabled to speak my genuine sentiments on this (as I think it) vital question of parliamentary reform, without the imputation of shrinking from popular canvass, or of seeking shelter for myself in that species of representation which, as an element in the composition of Parliament, I never shall cease to defend. reform something in the same spirit. They do not go so far as the reformers; they even state irreconcilable differences of opinion; but to a certain extent they agree, and even co-operate with them. They co-operate with them in inflaming the public feeling, not only against the Government, but against the support given by Parliament to that Government, in the hope, no doubt, of attracting to themselves the popularity which is lost to their opponents, and thus being enabled to correct and retrieve the errors of a displaced administration. Vain and hopeless task to raise such a spirit and then to govern it! They may stimulate the steeds into fury, till the chariot is hurried to the brink of a precipice; but do they flatter themselves that they can then leap in, and, hurling the incompetent driver from his seat, check the reins just in time to turn from the precipice and avoid the fall? I fear they would attempt it in vain. The impulse once given may be too impetuous to be controlled; and intending only to change the In truth, gentlemen, though the question of reform is made the pretext of those persons who have vexed the country for some months, I verily believe that there are very few, even of them, who either give credit to their own exaggerations, or care much about the improvements which they recommend. Why, do we not see that the most violent of the reformers of the day are aiming at seats in that assembly, which, according to their own theories, they should have left to wallow in its own pollution, discounte-guidance of the machine, they may hurry it and nanced and unredeemed? It is true that if they themselves to irretrievable destruction. found their way there, they might endeavour to bring us to a sense of our misdeeds, and to urge us to redeem our characters by some selfcondemning ordinance; but would not the authority of their names, as our associates, have more than counterbalanced the force of their eloquence as our reformers. But, gentlemen, I am for the whole constitution. The liberty of the subject as much depends on the maintenance of the constitutional prerogative of the Crown-on the acknowledgment of the legitimate power of the other House of Parliament-as it does in upholding that supreme power (for such is the power of the purse in one sense of the word, though not in the sense of the resolution of 1648) which resides in the democratical branch of the constitution. Whatever beyond its just proportion was gained by one part, would be gained at the expense of the whole; and the balance is now, perhaps, as nearly poised as human wisdom can adjust it. I fear to touch that balance, the disturbance of which must bring confusion on the nation. Gentlemen, I trust there are few, very few, reasonable and enlightened men ready to lend themselves to projects of confusion. But I confess I very much wish that all who are not ready to do so would consider the ill effect of any countenance given publicly or by apparent implication, to those whom in their hearts and judgments they despise. I remember that most excellent and able man, Mr Wilberforce, once saying in the House of Commons that he "never believed an Opposition really to wish mischief to the country, that they only wished just so much mischief as might drive their opponents out, and place themselves in their room." Now, gentlemen, I cannot help thinking that there are some persons tampering with the question of May every man who has a stake in the country, whether from situation, from character, from wealth, from his family, or from the hopes of his children-may every man who has a sense of the blessings for which he is indebted to the form of government under which he lives, see that the time is come at which his decision must be taken, and when once taken, steadfastly acted uponfor or against the institutions of the British monarchy. The time is come at which there is but that line of demarcation. On which side of that line we, gentlemen, shall range ourselves, our choice has long ago been made. In acting upon that, our common choice, with my best efforts and exertions, I shall at once faithfully represent your sentiments and satisfy my own judg ment and conscience. RIGHT POLICY OF BRITAIN.* The end which I have always had in view, as the legitimate object of pursuit to a British statesman, I can describe in one word. The language of the philosopher is diffusely benevolent. It professes the amelioration of the lot of all mankind. I hope that my heart beats as high towards other nations of the earth as that of any one who vaunts his philanthropy; but I am contented to confess that the main object of my contemplation is the interest of England. Not that the interest of England can stand isolated and alone. The situation that she holds forbids an exclusive selfishness; her prosperity must contribute to the prosperity of other nations, her stability to the safety of the world. But it does not follow that we are called upon to mix ourselves on every occasion with a meddling activity * Delivered at Plymouth in 1823. in the concerns of the nations around us. There that they are devoid of strength and incapable are men, actuated by noble principles and gener- of being fitted out for action. You well know ous feelings, who would rush forward at once from how soon one of those stupendous masses, now the sense of indignation at aggression, and deem | reposing on their shadows in perfect stillnessthat no act of injustice should be perpetrated how soon, upon any call of patriotism, it would from one end of the universe to the other, but assume the likeness of an animated thing, inthe sword of Great Britain ought to leap from stinct with life and motion-how soon it would its scabbard to avenge it. But as it is the pro- ruffle up its swelling plumage-how quickly it vince of law to control the excess even of laudable would put forth all its beauty and its bravery, feelings in individuals, so it is the duty of Gov- collect its scattered elements of strength, and ernment to restrain, within due bounds, the ebul- awake its dormant thunder. Such as is one of lition of national impulses which it cannot blame. those magnificent machines springing from inBut while we thus control our feelings by our action into a display of its might-such is Engduty, let it not be said that we cultivate peace land herself-while, apparently passive, she because we fear, or because we are unprepared silently concentrates the power to be put forth for war; on the contrary, if eight months ago on an adequate occasion. But God forbid that the Government proclaimed this country to be that occasion should arise! After a war of a prepared for war, every month of peace that quarter of a century, sometimes single-handed, has since passed has but made us so much the England now needs a period of tranquillity. more capable of exertion. The resources created Long may we be enabled to improve the blessby peace are the means of war. In cherishing ings of our present situation, to cultivate the these resources we accumulate our means. Our arts of peace, to give to commerce greater extenpresent repose is no more a proof of inability sion, and new spheres of employment, and to than the state of inactivity in which I see those confirm the prosperity now diffused throughout mighty ships float in these waters is a proof this island SYDNEY SMITH, 1771-1845. THE HOUSE OF LORDS AND THE MR BAILIFF, I have spoken so often on this subject, that I am sure both you and the gentlemen here present will be obliged to me for saying but little, and that favour I am as willing to confer as you can be to receive it. I feel most deeply the event which has taken place, because, by putting the two Houses of Parliament in collision with each other, it will impede the public business, and diminish the public prosperity. I feel it as a churchman, because I cannot but blush to see so many dignitaries of the Church arrayed against the wishes and happiness of the people. I feel it more than all, because I believe it will sow the seeds of deadly hatred between the aristocracy and the great mass of the people. The loss of the bill I do not feel, and for the best of all possible reasons-because I have not the slightest idea that it is lost. I have no more doubt, before the expiration of the winter, that this bill will * Delivered at Taunton during the agitation which succeeded the rejection of the Reform Bill by the House of Lords in 1831. pass, than I have that the annual tax bills will pass, and greater certainty than this no man can have, for Franklin tells us there are but two things certain in this world-death and taxes. As for the possibility of the House of Lords preventing ere long a reform of Parliament, I hold it to be the most absurd notion that ever entered into human imagination. I do not mean to be disrespectful, but the attempt of the Lords to stop the progress of reform reminds me very forcibly of the great storm of Sidmouth, and of the conduct of the excellent Mrs Partington on that occasion. In the winter of 1824 there set in a great flood upon that town-the tide rose to an incredible height-the waves rushed in upon the houses, and everything was threatened with destruction! In the midst of this sublime and terrible storm, Dame Partington, who lived upon the beach, was seen at the door of her house, with mop and pattens, trundling her mop, squeezing out the sea-water, and vigorously pushing away the Atlantic Ocean. The Atlantic was roused. Mrs Partington's spirit was up; but I need not tell you that the contest was unequal. The Atlantic Ocean beat Mrs Partington. She was excellent at a slop, or a puddle, but she should not have meddled with a tempest. Gentlemen, be at your easebe quiet and steady. You will beat Mrs Partington. They tell you, gentlemen, in the debates by which we have been recently occupied, that the bill is not justified by experience. I do not think this true; but, if it were true, nations are sometimes compelled to act without experience for their guide, and to trust to their own sagacity for the anticipation of consequences. The instances where this country has been compelled thus to act have been so eminently successful that I see no cause for fear, even if we were acting in the manner imputed to us by our enemies. What precedents and what experience were there at the Reformation, when the country, with one unanimous effort, pushed out the pope and his grasping and ambitious clergy? What experience, when, at the Revolution, we drove away our ancient race of kings, and chose another family, more congenial to our free principles? And yet to those two events, contrary to experience, and unguided by precedents, we owe all our domestic happiness and civil and religious freedom-and having got rid of corrupt priests and despotic kings by our sense and our courage, are we now to be intimidated by the awful danger of extinguishing boroughmongers, and shaking from our necks the ignominious yoke which their baseness has imposed upon it? Go on, they say, as you have done for these three hundred years last past. I answer, it is impossible; five hundred people now write and read where one hundred wrote and read fifty years ago? The iniquities and enormities of the borough system are now known to the meanest of the people. You have a different sort of men to deal with-you must change, because the beings whom you govern are changed. After all, and to be short, I must say that it has always appeared to me to be the most absolute nonsense that we cannot be a great, or a rich and happy nation, without suffering ourselves to be bought and sold every five years like a pack of negro slaves. I hope I am not a very rash man, but I would launch boldly into this experiment without any fear of consequences, and I believe there is not a man here present who would not cheerfully embark with me. As to the enemies of the bill who pretend to be reformers, I know them, I believe, better than you do, and I earnestly caution you against them. You will have no more of reform than they are compelled to grant-you will have no reform at all, if they can avoid it--you will be hurried into a war to turn your attention from reform. They do not understand youthey will not believe in the improvement you have made they think the English of the present day are as the English of the times of Queen Anne or George I. They know no more of the present state of their own country than of the state of the Esquimaux Indians. Gentlemen, I view their ignorance of the present state of the country with the most serious concern, and I believe they will one day or another waken into conviction with horror and dismay. I will omit no means of rousing them to a sense of their danger. For this object I cheerfully sign the petition proposed by Dr Kinglake. LORD LYNDHURST. 1772-1863. REVIEW OF THE SESSION OF 1836.* MY LORDS,-I am anxious to call your attention to the motion of which I gave notice on a former night. It is with extreme reluctance and with real diffidence that I rise to address you on this occasion; but I am compelled to pursue this course; I am driven to it in consequence of the attack made upon me and my noble friends around me, but more pointedly upon myself, by the noble baron opposite on a former night. My Lords, the noble baron has accused us of having misconducted ourselves in the discharge of our duty in this House. He has charged me, in particular, with having "mutilated" bills * Delivered in the House of Lords, 18th August 1836. laid on your Lordships' table by his Majesty's Government, or which have come up from the other House of Parliament. He has stated in distinct terms, that the course which I have individually pursued has been calculated to alienate from your Lordships' House the regard and the respect of the country. The terms that the noble baron used were, I believe, even stronger than those which I have mentioned. The noble baron said our conduct was calculated to excite "disgust" in the country. Now, my Lords, if these charges had been confined to this House, I should have reposed under them in silence, because all that has passed has passed in your presence, and I should not have feared, under such circumstances, your judgment with respect to my conduct. But it was obvious that |