BOOK VIII.

PROGNOSTICS OF A NEW PARLIAMENT VANE'S PAMPHLET THE ELECTIONSCROMWELL'S SPEECH AT THE OPENING OF THE SESSION-EXCLUSION OF NEARLY A HUNDRED MEMBERS-SUCCESS OF THE ENGLISH FLEET OFF CADIZ-THOROUGH ADHERENCE OF THE PARLIAMENT TO CROMWELL-PROPOSITIONS AND INTRIGUES TO MAKE CROMWELL KING-THE HUMBLE PETITION AND ADVICE-FAILURE OF THE ATTEMPT-NEW CONSTITUTION OF THE PROTECTORATE-CLOSE OF THE SESSION-MANŒUVRES OF CROMWELL-DEATH OF BLAKE-SECOND SESSION OF THE PARLIAMENT IN TWO HOUSES-QUARREL BETWEEN THE TWO HOUSESCROMWELL DISSOLVES THE PARLIAMENT AGITATION OF PARTIES-ROYALIST

AND REPUBLICAN PLOTS-CROMWELL'S ACTIVE ALLIANCE WITH FRANCE-HIS SUCCESSES ON THE CONTINENT-CAPTURE OF MARDYKE AND DUNKIRK-EMBASSY OF LORD FAULCONBRIDGE TO PARIS, AND OF THE DUKE DE CREQUI TO LONDON-CROMWELL CONTEMPLATES THE CONVOCATION OF A NEW PARLIAMENT-DECLINE OF HIS HEALTH—HIS FAMILY-HIS MOTHER, WIFE, AND CHILDREN-DEATH OF HIS DAUGHTER, LADY CLAYPOLE-ILLNESS OF CROMWELL STATE OF HIS MIND-HIS DEATH-CONCLUSION.

SOME months before adopting this resolution, either from premeditation or instinct, Cromwell had done an act which revealed his intention to call upon the country to support his power. On the 14th of March, 1656, he published a proclamation ordaining a general fast and public prayers throughout England, for the purpose of invoking a blessing from on high on his government, and beseeching "the Lord to discover the Achan, who had so long obstructed the settlement of these distracted kingdoms." Such ceremonies were then so frequent that they often passed unnoticed, as

1 Forster's Statesmen of the Commonwealth, vol. iii. p. 164; Godwin's History of the Commonwealth, vol. iv. p. 260.

simple manifestations of ordinary and official piety. But the most eminent of the republican leaders, Sir Harry Vane, did not mistake the meaning of the present solemnity. Ever since the establishment of the Protectorate, he had lived in retirement at his favorite residence, Belleau, in Lincolnshire; a stranger, in appearance at least, to the intrigues of his party, and to all active opposition. When, however, he saw the Protector addressing himself to the people, and announcing, though remotely, his intention to solicit their aid, he resolved to enter the field once more; and in April or May, 1656, he published a pamphlet entitled, "A Healing Question, propounded and resolved, upon occasion of the late public and seasonable call to humiliation, in order to love and union amongst the honest party; and with a desire to apply balsam to the wound, before it become incurable."

It was a brief, firm, and clear exposition of the essential principles of republican government, as they were understood by Vane and his friends: the complete and absolute sovereignty of the people, as the sole source of all power; a Parliament consisting of one single assembly, as the only representative of the people, and alone in possession of the government; liberty of conscience, a sacred right, laid down as a fundamental maxim, without, however, explicitly including, or formally excluding, the Catholics or Episcopalians; the exclusive reservation of political rights, for an indeterminate time, to the partisans of the good cause, that is, of the revolution; the appointment of a Council of State for life, under the control and by the choice of the Parliament; and, perhaps, if circumstances required, the investiture of a single man with the executive power: such was the plan of conciliation proposed by Vane to England and to the Protector. To obtain its acceptance by those whose co-operation was evidently indispensable to him, he spoke of the army in flattering terms, saying: "It was in the hands of

an honest and wise general, and sober faithful officers; and he exhorted the soldiers to embody with the rest of the party of honest men, and espouse the same cause, acting in their primitive simplicity, humility, and trust." But beside these hypocritical compliments, were bitter words regarding the danger incurred by public liberties, when their "fair branches are planted on the root of a private and selfish interest; whence sprung the evil of that government which rose in and with the Norman conquest." The whole pamphlet was a singular compound of lofty sentiments and narrow ideas, patriotic sincerity, and blind attachment to unpractical and factious opinions. Vane proposed to establish a government in England, by excluding from it all those great powers, whether ancient or modern, vanquished or victorious, which had ever exercised powerful sway over English society. He outlawed the royalist as well as Charles Stuart himself; and he called upon Cromwell and his officers either to join the republican clique whom they had formerly expelled, or to abdicate.1

There was nothing in this to give Cromwell any new information as to the feelings of his enemies, or to turn him aside from his own firm purpose. The assembling of a Parliament was resolved upon; the writs, issued on the 10th of July, 1656, appointed the elections to take place in August, and fixed the opening of Parliament for the 17th of September following. Great agitation immediately spread throughout England; parties were held in strong restraint, but they were living and ready to start into activity as soon as the slightest movement was allowed them. Vane's pamphlet, though written with no great vigor or brilliancy, was eagerly

1 Vane's Pamphlet, as reprinted entire in the Somers's Tracts, vol. vi. pp. 303-315, and in the Appendix to the third volume of Mr. Forster's Statesmen of the Commonwealth.

read. "Sir Harry Vane," wrote Thurloe to Henry Cromwell, on the 16th of June, 1656, "hath lately put forth a new form of government, plainly laying aside thereby that which now is. At the first coming out of it, it was applauded; but now, upon second thoughts, it is rejected as being impracticable, and aiming in truth at the setting up the Long Parliament again. But all men judge that he hath some very good hopes, that he shows so much courage. It doth certainly behove us to have a watchful eye upon that interest." A second pamphlet entitled, "England's Remembrancer, or a word in season to all Englishmen, respecting the ensuing elections," which appeared soon after, greatly increased the excitement of the public and the anxiety of the government. In a few simple and practical pages, the writer advocated the most open and earnest opposition. "It may be," he said, "that some of you tender-hearts, being troubled at what hath been done by the Lord Protector (so-called), are afraid to vote in the choice of your deputies, lest you should seem thereby to approve his power. But if a thief should stop your way to your own house for a time, and afterwards bid you go home, would any of you scruple to go home because the thief had before exercised a power to which he had no right?" And after giving the electors the most energetic advice, he thus concluded: "What shall I say more to you, dear Christians and countrymen ?-Do not the cries of the widows and the fatherless speak?-Do not your imprisoned friends speak?-Do not your banished neighbors speak?— Do not your infringed rights speak?-Do not your invaded properties speak?-Do not your gasping liberties speak?— Do not all our ruins, at home and abroad, by land and sea, speak to you?-Surely they have loud voices; surely they do daily cry in your ears, help! help! or England perishes!"

1 Thurloe's State Papers, vol. v. pp. 123, 149, 176, 268, 317; Carte's Ormonde Letters, vol. ii. p. 109; Burton's Diary, vol. i. p. cxlv.

This second pamphlet was also attributed to Vane, though on unsufficient evidence; but whoever may have been its author, it produced the most astonishing effect. It was distributed in all the towns, hawked through the country districts, and crowds assembled to hear it read. Cromwell felt himself once more in presence of that popular excitement which he had, during his life, so often kindled and checked; and he did not hesitate to engage at once in an ardent conflict with his enemies. When he ordered the elections, he had reckoned on the influence of his Major-generals; they held the whole country under their power; and they had at their command, in every district, obedient soldiers and devoted agents. Pressing instructions were sent to them. The distributors of pamphlets were arrested. The principal republican leaders, Bradshaw, Ludlow, Rich, and Vane himself, were ordered to appear before the Council of State; the summons addressed to Vane was couched in the rudest terms, without the slightest manifestation of politeness or respect; it simply stated, "You are to attend before the Council of State on the 12th of August next." There was evidently a determination to wage a deadly warfare, by all possible means, against the opposition.1

Vane, who was not fond of danger, although, from conscientious motives, he never shrank from braving it, believed that he had taken means to screen himself from any such violence. Before publishing his pamphlet, he had sent a copy of it to Fleetwood, in order to show the Protector a mark of deference which, if occasion required, he might afterwards use to his own advantage. Fleetwood returned it to him, after the lapse of a month, without any observation,

1 Thurloe's State Papers, vol. v. pp. 272, 342, 328, 349; Forster's Statesmen of the Commonwealth, vol. iii. p. 171; Godwin's History of the Commonwealth, vol. iv. p. 272.

VOL. II.-20