Reluctantly, it must therefore be inferred, were it only from the proposed objects of these last meetings, did Cromwell finally and fully commit himself to the stream of the times, and consent to the King's trial; still though he must have been aware, that to compel any individual to submit his life to the discretion of a court, in which his accusers were his judges, was little else than to sign his death-warrant at once. By such an act, exercised against any English monarch, must the sword of justice be shivered, as it were, by its own stroke; the sanctuary of mercy be left without the pale of its own operation; the source of retributive power be employed for its own destruction! Cromwell, it

to be placed, with any shew of justice, entirely in the background at so momentous a crisis. Indeed, such was their strength, that their form of church government was confirmed by act shortly after the King's death; and was essentially maintained-greatly, it is true, owing to the liberal sentiments of the Independents themselves-under every subsequent administration of the national affairs, including the Protectorate of Cromwell, until the Restoration. And when Cromwell forcibly dissolved the Parliament, he grounded that measure, in great degree, upon the alleged exertion of their influence (which could not have been effectually exerted unless they had still outnumbered the Independents in the House), to procure the return of another Parliament, which, together with themselves, should consist of 'all Presbyters.'

may be said, could do no more.

He had tried

every means, as some will think, to prevent this great public calamity: but the assumption may be denied: he had indeed tried every underhand and secret means; and had been capable of publicly acknowledging his attachment to the King's cause, when it could be done by an act of military severity, that might be excused, at all events, on the ground of necessity as to military subordination. But he never openly expressed the conviction, which both his previous and after conduct shew him to have felt, that the proceeding was unjust, and unworthy of freemen and of Englishmen. He made not the (confessedly dangerous) appeal, though his elevated situation in the Army and the state would well have warranted it, to the mercy ever resident in the bosoms of the majority of a nation; an appeal, which the troops he immediately commanded, perhaps, and thousands of loyal hearts from among the people, no doubt, would have promptly seconded, and which might have been successful. On the very contrary, he now took an active, though still not always conspicuous part, in the measures he had resolved no longer to attempt to stem; and, unlike the numbers guided to the death of Charles by sincere though erroneous principle, he acted against his better

R

feelings and better judgment, against his conscience, and the precepts of that religion, of which he professed himself no ordinary nor lukewarm follower. Such a conduct must inevitably excite the suspicion, that then, as perhaps for a length of time before, he was so far led by his desire to extend, or at least to preserve his power, as never actually to hazard it for the sake of any duty extraneous to himself. Nay, we must suspect, that he at last became willing to let republicanism achieve its worst, and even to sanction and direct its violences; with the hope that, in the clash of parties that must follow, the ability to act in times of turbulence he must have discovered in himself, would neither forsake him, nor leave him lowermost among his fellows. He gave the whole support of himself, and party, therefore, to the proposed mock trial of the insulted person of Majesty: and, since his activity and commanding character rendered it scarcely possible but that he should become the chief and leader of all with whom for any purpose he had once determined to act, Charles, whom at former periods he had made so many efforts to preserve, was, in strict propriety of speaking, it may be, the victim of Cromwell more than of any other man in his kingdom. And, as the unhappy monarch's death must be regarded as forming the most

unfortunate epoch in our constitutional history, so must it as the most unfortunate in Cromwell's character; which, from that period, will be seen to become more and more divested of its most pleasing native attributes, mildness, equability, and the disposition to moderation and mercy.

CHAPTER. VII.

FROM THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE COMMONS FOR THE TRIAL, TO THE KING'S DEATH.

Cromwell argues in favour of the Trial with the Scotch Commissioners-Preparatory Proceedings of the Commons'The Lords refuse their Concurrence-The Commons vote the Nullity of the Upper House, and take the Responsibility of the Measure upon themselves-The King conducted to London-Cromwell's Agitation at sight of Him-The TRIAL, First Day-Second Day-Third Day-Fourth and Fifth Days Signature of the Warrant-Extraordinary Behaviour of Cromwell on that Occasion-Many things related of him at this Period proved to be False or Improbable-Reflections on the Trial and Execution of CharlesCromwell's Conduct relative to them-Historical Error corrected-Lord Clarendon's Panegyric upon Charles.

Ir a degree of inconsistency is to be observed in some of the last-mentioned acts of the Lieutenant-general-such as his openly approving, if not secretly authorising, the expulsion of the members, and afterward concurring to propose their restoration-and his consulting for a settlement of the kingdom without injury to the sovereign's person, and then immediately pushing foward his trial-such inconsistency will in great measure be accounted for to those, who remember that violent counsels, once adopted,