CHAPTER VIII.

FROM THE ABOLITION OF ROYALTY TO CROMWELL'S APPOINTMENT TO BE CAPTAIN

GENERAL OF THE ARMY.

The Commons abolish Royalty and the House of LordsAppoint a Council of State, Cromwell to be of the NumberReflections-Cromwell constituted Lord-Governor of Ireland-Arrives at Dublin- Storms Drogheda-Massacre of the Garrison-Reflections upon that Event, and upon Irish History-Cromwell's Triumphant Career-Re-called by the Parliament to Oppose an Expected Invasion of the ScotsHis Interview with Fairfax-Appointed Captain-General upon the Resignation of the Latter-Conference with Ludlow-Design against his Life, and his Magnanimity upon the Occasion-Observation upon Mrs. Hutchinson's Relation of the Circumstances.

On the very day of the late King's execution, the Commons, by act, forbade the proclamation of any other king. A week afterward, they voted the House of Peers to be useless and dangerous;' and directed an act to be framed for its abolition. Next day, they resolved,'that it had been found by experience, and the House did declare, that the office of King this nation, and to have the power thereof in

in

single person, was unnecessary, burden

some, and dangerous to the liberty, safety, and public interest of the people of this nation, and therefore ought to be abolished.' Forty of the members were at the same time appointed to form a Council of State; legal writs from whom should issue by the style of The Keepers of the Liberty of England;' but their general executive acts were to be guided by instructions from the House. They were to be entitled, The Committee of Estates appointed by Parliament' seals were ordered them, bearing that inscription, and the arms of England and Ireland and their powers, which were to last for one year, were enacted to be, to command and settle the militia of England and Ireland; to set forth a navy; to appoint magazines and stores, and to dispose them ;' &c. Among their names, we find those of Cromwell, Bradshaw, Whitelock, Marten, and Ludlow, commoners; with those of eight lords, including Fairfax, and the Earls of Denbigh, Mulgrave, Salisbury, and Pembroke. How little the true principles of constitutional government were as yet understood, will be seen from this last proceeding. The Parliament had retained every branch of the executive power in their own hands, from the commencement of their contest with Charles, to the time when, the failures and disgraces attached to that system having convinced them of its inexpediency, as to their military af

fairs at least, they had contrived their escape by the Self-denying Ordinance;' and by conferring highly dangerous military supremacy upon a single commander, not attached to either House, Sir Thomas Fairfax. But not yet convinced, even by the necessity that had existed for creating 'determinating committees' without end, (to settle such matters as properly devolve to a distinct executive,) of the political anomaly presented by a large assembly of men, supposed to combine in themselves the qualities of extensive and cautious deliberation, together with prompt perception of the time and circumstances for vigorous and decisive action, they now surrendered up the general branches of executive power to a Council of State,' while they virtually rescinded their own appointment, by requiring the acts of this council to be governed by instructions' from themselves. None yet perceived, that the only way to prevent, so far as human provisions can prevent, the assumption of undue authority by either of the constituent parts of a government, is to subject each to the constant operation of check, but neither to that of command, from the others. By some subsequent acts, it was made 'high treason for any person to endeavour to promote Charles Stuart to be King of England, or any other single person to be Chief Governor thereof;' and 'high treason,' also, for soldiers

to contrive the death of their General, or Lieutenant-general, or to endeavour to raise mutinies in the Army.' And, to put the finishing hand to their work, the Commons ordered the statues of the late King, at St. Paul's and the Royal Exchange, to be taken down; and, in the niche where stood the latter, they caused to be inscribed: EXIT TYRANNUS REGUM UL

TIMUS.

About six months after Charles's death, Cromwell departed for Ireland, with a commission, passed under the new great seal, investing him with the office of Lord Governor of that kingdom for three years, with full powers in all affairs, both civil and military:' the Parliament having resolved, through his anticipated diligence and vigour, to subdue the distractions of that unhappy country, and bring the war there, which had now lasted eight years, to a speedy and successful close. In this island, (as also in Scotland), Prince Charles had already been proclaimed King in Ireland, indeed, the Parliament's authority had never been generally acknowledged; and Londonderry and Dublin were the only places that now held out for them, the latter of which was closely besieged by the Marquis of Ormond. But, as the appointment of the Lieutenant-general to this service, it was thought, might give umbrage to Lord Fairfax, who would naturally expect it for himself, the

T

House resolved, that, while Cromwell, (in his military capacity,) was to be 'Commander-inchief of all the forces in Ireland,' his Lordship should be styled 'General of all the forces of the Parliament, both in England and Ireland.'Commissary-general Ireton was constituted second in command to his father-in-law. On appearing in the House the day after that on which its pleasure had been signified to him, formally to accept his new office, Cromwell is said to have been full of confusion and irresolution; his expressions of unworthiness and inability to support so great a charge, hesitating and perplexed; and his whole demeanour that of a man overwhelmed with the conference of some unexpected dignity, or important place of trust. At the same time, he professed, that 'the difficulty which appeared in the expedition, was his chief motive for engaging in it; and that he hardly expected to prevail over the rebels, but only to preserve to the commonwealth some footing in that kingdom.' It would be uncandid to deny, that any recurrence of the modesty and humility once habitual to him, and which retained their influence over his conduct in privacy to the termination of his future splendid career, was possible to him on this occasion: still, it is very probable, that he could favour and heighten the exhibition of those qualities, at this and other times, when it might