raging over their heads, and to the number of a hundred and twenty were suffocated in the cellars. Besides these attacks on houses, immense damage was done to the railroads—many of the stations and bridges were consumed by fire. At Rouen, when the bridge was burnt, care was taken by the incendiaries that no signal should be given to the approaching train: and had not the engineer fortunately perceived the still smoking embers of the bridge in time, a monster train full of English would have been precipitated into the river.

All these are very shocking circumstances. The only wonder is that they were not a great deal worse than they were. But even these are sufficient to show that property was not so secure even at the time, as was asserted. Perhaps it was only saved then to be wasted by a slower process of confiscation and exaction. However, we in England should do well to consider what would be the state of things with us, if similar events occurred, and law and government should be put down. We have the highest respect for the English character, and believe the people generally to be honest and intelligent. Still it cannot be denied that there are amongst us a very great number of thieves and ruffians, who would avail themselves of any disturbance or suspension of the power of the law, to commit the most fearful havoc. The mischievousness of the mob in London and at Glasgow, is sufficient evidence of the temper of some amongst our lower classes. These things are very unpleasant to dwell on, but they should not be kept back. When we see, even in comparatively peaceable times, the vast number of trials recorded in the public journals, for murders, rapes, assaults, misdemeanours, robberies, it is but too manifest that if authority were put down, the most fearful calamities would fall upon multitudes of peaceful families. And this not only in the great towns. In these there would be a sharp contest, and much destruction and plunder, while it lasted; but whichever side prevailed, would probably after the contest endeavour to restore order. great evil to be dreaded would be from bands of plunderers, who would scour the country for pillage like a pack of hungry wolves. No corner of the land would be safe. Even now terrible scenes of disorder are being enacted in parts of France and Germany. We do not think that the country people in England would rise with such sanguinary ferocity as the French peasantry did in the first revolution, when the cry was, 66 guerre aux chateaux," (war against the gentlemen's houses). But we fear there are in a great many places savage and demoralized men, who would band together and commit terrible excess of every kind against the property and persons of the upper and middle classes who should fall into their hands. Plunderers of this description

The

would have little respect for classes or opinions. Their sole object would be to gratify their love of rapine and excess. Men of liberal politics would fare no better with such persons than conservatives. The middle classes would suffer as much as the upper. The farmer's homestead or the tradesman's villa would be as liable to depredation as the gentleman's seat; perhaps more so, as being more unprotected. In short, if government were upset in England, the most fearful anarchy would prevail throughout the land; and the anarchy would be increased tenfold by the commercial panic which would at once arise. All our credit would collapse like a punctured balloon-our paper currency would be good for nothing. Property of this kind would cease to exist. The necessary consequence would be that manufactures and trades would come to a stand, servants would be discharged, the great mass of the working community would be without employment, and consequently without bread. Savings banks would be bankrupt; railroad shares and canal shares worthless. There would be a general scramble for food and gold. The ruin would be much greater in England than in any other country in the world, in proportion to our dependence on credit, and the vast number of our population employed by fictitious capital.

The certainty of the occurrence of such a state of things in the event of a violent revolution, is tolerably well understood not only by the possessors of property, but by the workmen themselves. There is enough of intelligence amongst them to show them, that if the physical force gentlemen were to get the upper hand in England, and effect a revolution, it would bring down irretrievable ruin on the heads of every class of the community, from the millionaire capitalist down to the pauper in the workhouse for even he would lose the maintenance which the law now secures to him. There is another thing which the men of physical force ought to be aware of, and that is that it can never be in England as in France, that a revolution will be accomplished after a 66 glorious three days' fight." Those who have anything to lose, have shown their determination not to part with it if they can help it. They are resolved to stand up for hearths and homes, their families and property. If the physical force men obtained even a temporary success, it would kindle a civil war in every county in the land. Supposing even that they succeeded in some of the great towns, each corps of county yeomanry would form a nucleus round which would gather an army for the defence of our institutions. Even should the Chartists get possession of London, that would not give them the command of the provinces, any more than it did to those who rebelled against King Charles two hundred years ago. In short, if the physical

force men were to succeed in kindling a civil war, great as must be the suffering of the whole nation, they would possibly be no nearer the accomplishment of their object than they were before.

All classes in England, except those who are blinded by a republican fanaticism, are more or less aware of these circumstances, and we may trust will continue, as they are at present determined, to protect themselves from the ruin which must ensue if public order were broken.

But alas! these are but secondary motives after all. The fear of personal suffering, the apprehension of loss of property, domestic calamity, a life of danger and difficulty, perhaps a violent and miserable death, these are indeed cogent reasons for standing up for the maintenance of public order. But to give the noblest and the most effectual stimulus to our zeal, we want more of the spirit of loyalty and patriotism; not a mere carefulness for our own private interests, but a determination to maintain the rights of our Sovereign, and the institutions of our country.

Loyalty is a far nobler and more effectual spirit than conservatism. Yet it must not be supposed that they are necessarily distinct. We are exhorted by the highest authority that first of all supplications, prayers, intercessions and giving of thanks be made for all men; for kings and for all that are in authority, that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty.

Yes--the support of our Sovereign and our institutions, is not only a duty which we owe to her and to our country, but also one that we shall do well to abide by for our own sake. The peculiar judgment which falls on the rebellious and disobedient, is an unquiet, restless, harassed life, accompanied with fearful sufferings and temptations to the most dreadful crimes. But the sure reward of obedience to law, and maintenance of authority, is a quiet life of peaceful virtue and domestic happiness.

There is another very important topic which deserves our serious consideration, that is, the duty which we owe to the poor. There can be no doubt that the working classes of England are not in the condition that they should be in, either morally or physically. Whatever danger there may be of national disaster arises from this cause. If, therefore, we would ensure domestic peace, we must make without delay some great efforts to improve the condition of the people. Even if we feel ourselves secure against the effects of their lawlessness, still every charitable and generous feeling of humanity ought to urge us to do all we can to remedy the crying evils which abound.

But on this subject, and on the general condition of the working classes, we hope to speak more at large on another

occasion.

COMMUNISM AND CHARTISM.

THE recent upsetting of the social system of France, which has already caused so much misery in that country, and is pregnant with every imaginable calamity, was brought about by the agency and instrumentality of about twenty or five-and-twenty thousand work-people, some of them out of employ, and consequently wanting bread; others in good employ, and wanting only more tobacco, more brandy, more beer, more money to gratify their excesses, and less work; others, again, not knowing what they wanted :-these, headed by certain fanatics of Republicanism, were the instruments by whom the work was done.

But how, it may well be asked, came it to pass that such men as these were able to accomplish their purpose in a great and wealthy city, and in the face of a numerous army, as well as an armed bourgeoisie a National Guard consisting principally of the citizens of Paris, who are all ruined, or nearly so, by what has taken place?

Simply because the citizens of the middle class took no means to prevent the mischief, and either looked on or helped in the work. And the reason of their acting in this strange manner was partly a political discontent which had been fostered by a set of politicians for their own purposes, and partly sheer cowardice and want of resolution to stand up manfully against outrage.

So, then, the revolution was caused by the concurrent circumstances of a needy and demoralized populace, and a disaffected and vacillating middle and upper class. It does not necessarily require the concurrence of both these causes to make a revolution. Disaffection to a government, dislike of national institutions may of itself cause revolution, as in the case of some of the German States. On the other hand, there may be countries in which the condition of the lower classes shall have become so bad, that they shall be able to cause a revolution in spite of the middle classes. And this is the most dreadful revolution of all.

In a former article we have adverted to the circumstances which caused the disaffection of the middle and upper classes in France, and have thrown out some cautions against the indulgence of similar factious feelings amongst ourselves. In the present, we propose to treat of the condition of the lower classes.

It is not to be denied that the condition of the lower classes in this country is anything but what it ought to be; and this not

U

altogether from their own fault. There might be more done for them than there is. We should be the last to say a word that might promote discontent or ill-feeling in the poor towards those above them; but it is hopeless to expect that proper steps will be taken to remedy the evils that surround us, if the evils are denied or supposed to be irremediable. The most obvious evil which meets the eye is the poverty, squalor, and misery of many of the poor in our great towns, and in some of our agricultural districts-the want of clothes, want of decent houses, sometimes even want of food. It is a well-ascertained fact, that in a great number of cases, this poverty is not the result of insufficient wages: because families whose wages average from thirty to fifty shillings weekly, are, from intemperance and improvidence, often as squalid and miserable as any. But what, let us ask, is the cause of this improvidence and intemperance? Surely the want of proper instruction and guidance, the neglect and carelessness of those above them to bring them to a better condition. It is not to be denied, moreover, that there are many whose wages are insufficient for their decent maintenance. And this state of things arises sometimes from competition and a superabundance of hands beyond the means of employment: at other times, from fluctuation in trade. It is the fashion to speak of these things as irremediable. If this be true, if the immorality and squalid poverty of the people be indeed an irremediable evil, we can never be safe from violent commotion, if not disruption of society. We may go on awhile longer, but some conjunction of events will one day upset our system, as it has done that of France. We hope, however, to show, that though it is indeed hopeless to remove the evils altogether, because " "the poor shall never cease out of the land," yet they may be extensively mitigated and amended.

First let us consider the notions on the subject, which are floating in the minds of the working classes themselves, by which they hope to improve their condition.

One theory of theirs is Socialism—which is much the same as what they call in France Communism.

We do not hear so much indeed of the Socialists as a body as we used to do; but these opinions are current among the people, and indeed have much to do with Chartism. The great principle of Socialism, or Communism, is this, that whereas the ordinary practice under the present system is that there should be masters and workmen, capitalists and operatives, employers and employed, payers of wages and receivers of wages,-instead of these there shall be neither masters who pay, nor workmen who receive, wages, but that all shall form a sort of community or partnership, divide the profits, and share and share alike.