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out their case, the Legislature will be found always willing to make laws by which the grievance is remedied.

We think it cannot be doubted that the disposition of the Legislature as at present constituted, is to ameliorate the condition of the poorer classes, and act justly and kindly to them. No accusation can be brought against the present House of Commons, of wilfully neglecting the interest of this portion of the community.

At the same time we are bound to say, that with every wish in the members of the Legislature and in the ruling powers, to improve the condition of the people, much more might be done than is done. But the defect is attributable mainly to the people themselves. Both amongst the working classes and those representatives on the liberal side, whom they consider principally to represent their wants, there is a mistaken notion with regard to their real interests, which is in reality the cause of almost all the evils under which the people labour. What I allude to is the principle of letting things alone the notion that things will adjust and right themselves by the natural process of demand and supply, and that it is no business of the Legislature to interfere between man and man, workmen and employers. Great opposition was made in some quarters to the reduction of the labour of factory children. But if children are protected it is assumed that men at least are able to take care of themselves. This is the principle of Mr. Hume, Mr. Cobden, and other liberals, in whom the poorer classes have been accustomed to place their confidence. The first of these gentlemen is perhaps the very worst style of politician that can be named; and, barring a few necessary retrenchments in the expenditure, he has, during his long life in Parliament, done more mischief to the poorer classes and to the country generally, than will be easily remedied; and this principally by his notion of leaving every one to take care of himself. This notion has too much influenced our governments; but the theory is beginning to be exploded. I am myself disposed to think that almost all the evils which afflict the people, especially in our great towns; the squalid poverty which abounds; their improvidence and immorality; the evil effects of unlimited competition and gluts in trade; in short all the evils which harass the working classes, are attributable to the doctrine of the liberals, of letting things alone. "What," the liberals would say, "will you have the Government interfere and fix the rate of wages that the master is to pay to his workmen? Will you fetter commerce, which ought to be free as air?" No, I agree with Lord John Russell that non-interference ought to be the general rule, when things are going on as they should do; but when evils are manifest, and do not yield to

time, but become day by day more inveterate, then, I say, it is time for rulers to step in; and I am sure that by wise and judicious arrangements, most of the evils which vex the poorer classes might be remedied or very greatly mitigated.

Take first that which would seem the most unmanageable of all, that is, the fluctuation in trade. This the economists will say is not dependent on ourselves. If the home and foreign trade falls off we cannot help it. True, but we may take measures to meet it and mitigate its pressure. Let us take pattern from the conduct of every prudent man. How does a prudent man provide against the evil day, want of employment, decay of health, and other misfortunes? One very common plan is to avail himself of benefit clubs, contributing a small weekly sum when in health, on the condition of drawing out a weekly allowance in case of sickness. The better sort of the working class voluntarily enter into such arrangements. In other cases they are persuaded to do it by the encouragement of charitable persons. Every one who knows anything of the ordinary system of a parish, will be aware how much valued are clothing clubs and coal clubs: how anxious especially the wives are to save a shilling or two each week, which would otherwise find its way to the beer-shop, and if so, would much better have been thrown into the nearest pond. Now this system of provident clubs, I think, might be introduced into manufacturing towns, in order to meet a time of bad trade. What is found by experience to be productive of so much advantage, should be made general. It is already compulsory in the case of seamen, and found to work most beneficially.* Why should not the same system be applied to manufacturers? Let a certain proportion of each week's wages, say a shilling in the pound, or a penny in the shilling, be paid

*There are several Acts of Parliament by which (amongst other objects) all seamen are obliged to contribute to the support of Greenwich Hospital the sum of one shilling per month. When the seaman is on monthly pay, (i. e. on long voyages,) this sum is deducted from that pay; but when he is on short coasting voyages, a portion is deducted on each voyage. The whole sum is paid to the custom house of the ports at which the ship arrives, under the denomination of the "Greenwich Hospital Fund." But although the seaman is required to make this one payment for this ostensible purpose, the money is really disposed of in two divisions: the proportions are 1s. 3d. to Greenwich, and the remainder goes to form a compulsory Provident Fund, which is of the greatest benefit both to the sailor himself when sick, old, or disabled, and to his widow and family after his death. This provident fund is called the muster roll. When the sailor becomes sick or disabled, he is put upon this roll until he recovers and is able to work: if aged, or quite disabled, he is put upon it for life. If when he dies he should leave a widow and children, the widow receives the same sum as her husband did receive, (or would have received,) and each of the children receives one half of the same; the boys until they arrive at the age of twelve, the girls until they are fourteen, years. The allowance from this fund varies at different ports, according to the richness of the fund. At Newcastle-upon-Tyne it is now 4s. per month for a seaman while unable to work, and the same for his widow. At Hull it is only 3s., but

over to the provident fund instead of the workman, when in full employ, and if his employment ceases, let it be paid back to him in weekly payments. If in the course of the year he should continue in full work, let the sum deducted from his wages, be paid back to him as a bonus, and placed to his account in the savings' bank.

This provident fund would come partly out of the pocket of the workman, and partly perhaps out of that of the employer. It would in a small degree curtail the indulgence of the workman, and scarcely, if at all, limit the profits of the employer. At present the wages which the employer pays are, by many of the workmen, spent improvidently; and, when work ceases, the employer has to maintain them by the poor-rate; but according to the plan proposed, if the wages paid by the employed are slightly raised, the poor-rate will be proportionally diminished. It will also be a great advantage to the workmen to have a fund to fall back on, without the degradation of becoming a pauper, and encountering the rough usage, which I am afraid paupers too frequently receive from those by whom their dole is dispenseda treatment which, if it do not degrade, at least embitters their feelings. By the plan of the provident fund, the industrious workman when his occupation for a time fails, will feel that he is still supported by the honest earnings of his own labour. The amount of weekly payment should be fixed by law, and bear a proportion to the sum contributed, so that the workmen will receive it as his own property, as much as he would his dividend from the savings' bank. Whether each man's account should be kept separate, this, and other matters of detail, may be for con

at Aberdeen it is as much as 6s. Independently of the above fund, there is one for seamen who reach the age of seventy years, from whatever port or ports they may have sailed. It is called the "Trinity Fund," the management of which is entirely vested in the hands of the Corporation of the Trinity House, London. From this every seaman of seventy years receives annually £2.5s.; if he be a mate, it is increased to £4; and if a master (or captain) £6. Further, all widows of seamen having four children or more, receive for themselves and for each child 138. per quarter from this fund. It thus frequently happens, in consequence of these payments being compulsory, that the widow of a reckless drunken sailor obtains a better livelihood for herself, and is enabled to make a better provision for her children, after her husband's death than she could possibly obtain during his life. Sailors are proverbially improvident, and it is a most happy and providential thing for their wives and families that the laws of their country can in some measure rescue some little means of support for those families from the general wreck in which the conduct of too many sailors would, if unrestrained, overwhelm themselves and all belonging to them. It would be an indescribable boon to the manufacturing districts of this country, if some such muster roll could be established by the Legislature; if, out of the large wages (enormous in comparison to a poor sailor's pay) which the manufacturing labourers receive in many parts of England, some such provident fund could be established and supported. After the first prejudice against a forced payment had subsided, English labourers in general would be glad to contribute to anything which would keep them from the dread of the workhouse.

sideration. All that is contended for here is the principle of a legal provision by a provident fund for the unemployed, distinct from the poor-rate. It is due to the workmen that some measure of this sort should be adopted for their benefit. They are placed in a highly artificial state of society, entirely by the force of circumstances, and not by their own choosing. They have nothing to do with the gluts of the market, the fluctuation of trade, and the rivalries of commerce, except that they find by bitter experience that these things press grievously on them. It is, then, clearly the duty of a Government to adopt any measures whereby these frequently recurring evils, if not to be prevented, may at least fall less heavily on our toiling population.

Besides what has been suggested, something should be done to counteract the tendency of enormous populations to accumulate in our overgrown towns. The amount of our population employed in manufacture has become too great, and means should be taken to reduce it. The most obvious method is to encourage the employment of more hands in agriculture. Formerly it was just the reverse. Our rural parishes were greatly relieved by the removal of the surplus hands to manufacture. And in those days there was not the same tendency in the population to accumulate immoderately in particular spots. Water could only afford a certain amount of power. The streams in Gloucestershire and Derbyshire were dammed up, and employed in turning the wheels of factories, and there was great demand for hands, which relieved the poor-rates in the adjoining parishes. But the factories were scattered up and down in our rural valleys. Presently when the power of steam was discovered, manufacturers congregated in particular spots, chiefly in the neighbourhood of the coal fields. Still the demand for hands continued, as our manufacturing enterprise advanced, and we know that there was a regular system of transferring the unemployed people from rural districts to our great towns. Your old liberal economists, like Mr. Hume, who in their youth observed the amount of employment and of wealth obtained by these means, do not perceive that the state of things has entirely passed away; and that a contrary process must be adopted. Hands are now superabundant in our great towns, and facilities should be afforded for their removal elsewhere.

More labour is employed in making goods than is desirable, and not enough in producing food. Can the Government do nothing to obviate this state of things? No, say the economists, let things alone and they will find their own level. But they do not find their own level. Want of employment increases every year. Great relief indeed has been afforded by the occupation of so many hands on railroads; but in proportion to the tem

porary value of this relief will be the accumulated difficulty when the railroads are finished. Government will then be forced to take some measure for the employment of these masses of people.

The obvious course seems to be the cultivation of waste lands. It is an undoubted fact, that there are uncultivated lands in Great Britain and Ireland, which are sufficient for the employment and support of an enormously increased population. Why then, the economists will say, do not people cultivate these lands if they can be advantageously cultivated? There are many reasons. First, because the cultivation of land does not pay so high a profit to the capitalist as manufactures or railroads. Secondly, because there are local impediments, the expense and trouble of obtaining legal power, the difficulty of getting the persons interested to agree. There is also this special reason, that a great part of the waste lands, though sufficient to support a population, are not sufficient to pay a rent; and therefore it is not worth the while of individuals to enclose and cultivate them. Here then is a case for Government to step in. It would be sufficient for the Government if they could find employment for the population, without absolute loss; in fact the relief of the poor-rates, by employing idlers, would in itself be a very great gain. But I am persuaded that so far from being losers, the Government would obtain a very considerable revenue by the cultivation of waste lands. What may be the most advisable means of setting about this work, would require much consideration. One plan that might be suggested is this. Let a commission be appointed -or probably some existing commission or board might be sufficient with power to value and give compensation to those persons who have an interest in waste lands. First, let notice be given them that the land must be enclosed and cultivated, and if those at present interested will do it, let them have the option, otherwise let them be paid a fair compensation for the interest which they have in the land. Let the land so acquired be placed under the control of the Commissioners of the Woods and Forests, and be considered Crown or Government land. Let money be advanced for the building of farm houses and cottages for the occupiers, providing implements of husbandry, and food for one year. After that they would maintain themselves. Let the land so brought into cultivation, be managed like any other estate; only, with reference to the great end in view, the employment and maintenance of the people, a greater subdivision of the land might be made than usual; there should be small farms, and cottage allotments. Perhaps your economists will say, Subdivision of land is the custom of Ireland; Ireland has a cottier population, and look at the misery which it produces. This is one of the fallacies of the economists, English cottiers,

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