Because the laissez faire system, and unlimited competition, have resulted in suffering to the community, are we, therefore, to go to the direct opposite, and become Communists? No; for we have already shown that Communism has in its train equal, if not greater, evils, and causes greater loss of available energy than even the present state of things. What, then, is the alternative? Why, surely to set to work, and do our best to improve the system under which we are living, and remove or check the evils which have intruded themselves into it. By letting things alone too long, we find that they are getting wrong. In the headlong race of competition we find, that, while some win great prizes, others are distanced; while some get rich, others are reduced to abject poverty: and it is manifest that, however wealthy the nation may be in a body, it cannot be said to be in a healthy condition while so many are in poverty and affliction. This we must endeavour to obviate.

There have been various remedies applied in different æras of the world to this inequality of fortune. In the middle ages, when the population was less dense, the alms of the Church were the chief support of the destitute. This was most commendable; the very object of the divine ordinance of poverty is to call forth charity. Charity must ever be the chief remedy of human ills. When the monasteries were abolished, and the Church otherwise impoverished in the sixteenth century, it was found necessary to enact a Poor Law, which from that time to the present has been the legal refuge from positive want. Without interfering with individual exertion, or checking the run of competition, the Poor Law is a sort of solatium victis—a consolation to the losers. It provides that those who are losers in the race of life shall not perish because they are unfortunate. But the Poor Law is of necessity hard. If it gave too largely to the indigent, it would discourage exertion. Besides, what it gives to the destitute is taken from the community, many members of which are scarcely better off than the receivers of relief. Hence the Poor Law is of necessity hard, grudging, and imperfect, and needs supplementary remedies to make up its deficiencies. Though a necessary infringement of the laissez faire system, it is not in itself a sufficient remedy. Besides, it is a relief only to those who have become poor; what we most want is something to prevent them becoming so.

Now there are two methods in which remedies may be applied to the present evil condition of the mass of the people; first, by adapting your remedy to the particular disorder; secondly, by improving the general condition of society. Thus, if a man has a bad leg, you may in some cases stick a plaister on the wound, and it will heal kindly; in other cases you must look to the ge

neral health of the patient, and improve it, before a local cure can be effected. A few years back there was a great discontent in the mining districts, in consequence of the Truck system. The master colliers obliged the men, on pain of dismissal, to purchase goods at particular shops, where they paid an exorbitant price for bad articles. The laissez faire economists said, Oh, this is only a private arrangement between the employer and the employed; what have we to do with it? Let them alone, and they will adjust the matter between themselves! But it so turned out that they did not adjust the matter. Great discontents and breaches of the peace ensued. The colliers refused to work; the iron founders could get no coal; whole districts were in commotion. Here, then, was a case for authority to step in, which it did by an Act of Parliament, and abolished the Truck system; a system in itself essentially unjust. The consequence is that there has been scarcely any interruption of the peace in those districts ever since.

The same sort of thing happened with regard to the coalwhippers in London-men who unload the coal vessels. When a vessel came to its station, it was the practice of certain publichouse keepers to contract for the unloading it, and to pocket a large portion of the sum which ought to have been paid to those who did the work. The consequence was, that the coal-whippers refused to work, and London might have been unsupplied with coals, the operations of the kitchen suspended throughout the metropolis, and the inhabitants half starved with cold and hunger. But the Legislature interfered, and relieved the coal-whippers from this grievance; and they are now as peaceable and loyal a set of men as any in London.

It is observable, how very often the discontent of particular classes arises from the interference of middle men, who screw them down, and intercept their wages and profits. Under the let-alone system, the poor have little or no protection against these extortions. The case of the framework knitter is peculiarly hard. Contrary to the practice in other manufactures, the stocking knitters do not congregate in factories, but work at their homes-which so far is a great advantage. But the grievance is, that they have to find their own machines, and being too poor to purchase them, they are obliged to hire them at an extravagant price from persons who make a profit of 40 or 50 per cent. Here, then, is a case very analogous to the Truck system; and several members of Parliament have called on the Government to interfere. Mr. Hume and the let-alone economists, however, have persuaded them to take no steps to remedy the grievance; and as the poor framework knitters have not the

power of cutting off the supply of coals from the metropolis, or throwing a whole district into riot, it is probable their grievances will not be attended to, unless benevolent persons step forward and move public opinion on their behalf.

After all, however, local remedies of this sort are generally slow in operation. It is a long time before public attention is so fixed on them, as to insist on their removal. The Ten Hours Bill, which relieved children from their heavy burdens, was many years in forcing its way through Parliament. The Health of Towns Bill is meeting with much opposition; but there are able, energetic, and charitable men who have devoted themselves to improving the condition of the people, and whose influence is, we trust, daily increasing.

But the principal evil to be contended with is not any mere local disorder: a general morbidness exists throughout the whole system. There is an undue accumulation of labourers in our great towns; an excessive development of the manufacturing system. In proportion as this evil is universal, so, in some respects, is the remedy more easily applied. The evil is the want of employment; the compulsory idleness of vast numbers of able bodied men, which is at once the cause of grievous suffering to themselves, and a loss of the value of their services to the community. Well, then, is not the remedy obvious? In whatever way you can devise healthy occupation, and a sufficient maintenance for any number of the working classes, in like proportion you relieve the pressure from the labour market,-just as a few ounces of blood taken from the arm relieve the whole body from its repletion. The employment of large bodies of men on railroads has been almost a providential circumstance of temporary relief. But as this occupation must needs cease ere long, it is most important to find employment elsewhere for our still increasing population. There are many ways in which remunerative employment might be found, if persons of influence would but turn their minds to it in earnest. It is computed that there are no less than 14,700,000 acres of waste land in the United Kingdom; that is to say—

'Assuming that one-fourth of the quantity might, when reclaimed, be brought into annual wheat culture, we have 3,675,000

acres so disposable, which, even in the present inefficient state of husbandry, would produce, at thirty bushels an acre, 13,781,250 quarters of bread corn,- -a supply equal to the necessities of twothirds of the entire population of Great Britain.'

Whether this be a perfectly accurate computation, or not, is of little moment; every person's experience and local knowledge will testify that there are very large tracts of land all over the country which are now lying entirely waste and unproductive, and which if cultivated might give employment and food to large bodies of persons. I speak of common lands, not land belonging to individuals. When land belongs to individuals, the probability is, that if it were worth anything, it would be cultivated; but in the case of commons, there are often legal difficulties in the way which have the effect of preventing the cultivation of very sound and valuable land. Employment and food might be found also in draining large tracts of morass, reclaiming estuaries, establishing fisheries. What we want is some efficient board of management, having authority to set these various schemes on foot, and find employment for the people wherever it may be remunerative. Nor have the Government any excuse for neglecting the promotion of such schemes, on the score of want of funds, because in very many instances, the produce of the undertaking would pay an ample interest on the sum required to effect it.

Then there is the immense outlet by emigration to the boundless regions beyond the seas, which, if rightly used, might be made to give employment, food, and comfort, to vast bodies of our people.

But in truth, it may be doubted whether, if this subject were taken up practically and energetically, it would be found that so very much was needed to be done, as first appearance seems to show. Take the case of a single parish by way of illustration. Suppose there is ordinary employment for 100 labourers, and the wages are twelve shillings a week; but unfortunately there are 105 labourers in the parish. Well, the unemployed five, rather than have no wages, offer to work perhaps for the inadequate wages of ten shillings a week, and so displace five of those who were before employed at twelve shillings. The five who are displaced are then obliged to consent to labour for ten shillings, and so displace five more. And so this process of deterioration runs the whole round of the parish, and all the labourers in it are obliged to work at insufficient wages; and so become discontented, and in a really bad condition. How is this to be remedied? Clearly, if you could set the five super

* Fleming's Policy of a National System of Agricultural Statistics.

numeraries to work on a piece of waste land which would support them, you would prevent all this unwholesome competition, and consequent misery. Just so, by finding remunerative employment for two or three hundred thousand people, the labour market might be relieved, and things go on in a regular and healthy course.

This, then, is the true theory with regard to the great question before us, the Employment of the People. Do not fancy that you can re-cast human nature in a new mould, and turn into a hive of Communists, beings who were created with an infinite variety of capabilities and aspirations. Let nature take her free course, subject, of course, to the restraints of conscience and religion. Do nothing to check that spirit of industry and enterprise, which is a part of the character of man, and in no nation so well developed as in the sturdy English. Encourage, by all means, that natural and praiseworthy desire which an honest man feels to provide for his family, and advance their interests; and which is the mainspring of the devoted exertion which has enabled Englishmen to take the lead in every branch of human enterprise and advancement. Do not check this honest competition: let the race still go on, and let those who can, win the prizes; but have pity on those who are thrown out in the race of life; look charitably on their condition. Do not let the rich and successful speculator look down on the poor but honest man, who perhaps from no fault of his own, but from the course of circumstances, has drawn a blank. He may be, after all, in some respects a better man than the other. Even in an economical view, it is a mistake to allow the energies of any to be wasted in idleness. Every idle man is so much loss to the community. Find employment suitable for all. If you cannot find it for all, find it for as many as you can. And there are thousands of unemployed, and consequently discontented men who, though worsted in the race of competition, and compelled to remain amongst the poor of the land, may yet do good service to their country, and perform their duty in that state of life to which they have been called.

THE THREEFOLD BIRTH.-There are in all three several lives belonging to every good Christian, and three births of course thereto corresponding. Once he is born into the natural life, born of Adam; once he is born into the spiritual life, born of water, and the Spirit; and once also

into the life of glory, born of the resurrection at the last day.-DR. WATERLAND.

EXAMPLE. The influence of pious example descends downwards from the head of the family, diffuses itself over the main body, till it reaches the very lowest of it.-JER. SEED.