Roam ye, 'tis a gentle pleasure, When the heart is as the ocean, Miscellaneous. A STRANGE DREAM.-In the year 1552, Nicholas Wotton, Dean of Canterbury, being then ambassador in France, dreamt that his nephew Thomas Wotton, was inclined to be a party in such a project, as, if he were not suddenly prevented, would turn both to the loss of his life and ruin of his family. Doubtless the good Dean did well know that common dreams are but a senseless paraphrase on our waking thoughts, or of the business of the day past; or are the result of our over-engaged affections, when we betake ourselves to rest; and know that the observations of them may turn to silly superstitions, as they often do. But though he might know all this, and might also believe that prophecies are ceased, yet, doubtless, he could not but consider that all dreams are not to be neglected, or cast away without all consideration; and did, therefore, rather lay this dream aside, than intend actually to lose it; and dreaming the same again the night following, when it became a double dream, like that of Pharaoh, considering that it had no dependence on his waking thoughts, much less on the desire of his heart; then he did more seriously consider it, and remembered that Almighty GoD was pleased in a dream, to reveal and to assure Monica, the mother of S. Austin, that her son, for whom she wept so bitterly, and prayed so much, should at last become a Christian. I believe, the good Dean considered; and considering also that Almighty GOD (though the causes of dreams be often unknown) hath, even in these later times, also by a certain illumination of the soul in sleep, discovered many things that human wisdom could not foresee: upon these considerations he wrote to Queen Mary, requesting that she would cause his nephew, Thomas Wotton, to be sent for out of Kent, and committed fa This, vourably to prison, declaring that he would acquaint her Majesty with the reason of his request when he should arrive in England. This was accordingly done, and hereby the nephew was prevented from being engaged in the rebellion of his 1riend Sir Thomas Wyatt; for he confessed to his uncle, when Dr. Wotton returned to England, that he had more than an intimation of Wyatt's intentions, and thought that he should not have continued actually innocent, if his uncle had not so happily dreamed him into prison.-IZAAK WALTON. EARLY GENIUS.-When only seven years old, Gassendi felt a great delight in contemplating the stars, and, without the knowledge of his parents, he frequently sacrificed his sleep to enjoy this pleasure. One evening a dispute arose between him and some of his young companions, about the motion of the moon and that of the clouds. The other boys insisted that the clouds were still, and that it was the moon which moved. Gassendi, on the contrary maintained, that the moon had no sensible motion, and that it was the clouds which passed so swiftly. But his reasoning producing no effect on the minds of the children, he took them under a tree, and made them observe that the moon still appeared between the same leaves, while the clouds sailed far away out of sight. When the father perceived the bent of his son's mind, he resolved to give him every advantage of improvement; and so rapid was his progress, that at the age of ten years he delivered a Latin oration, in the presence of the Bishop of Digne, who was so charmed as to exclaim aloud, "This child will prove the wonder of the age;" a prediction which was completely fulfilled.-Life of Gassendi. "I can't do it."-Yes, you can; try, try hard, try often, and you will accomplish it. Yield to every discouraging circumstance, and you will do nothing worthy of a great mind. Try, and you will do wonders; You will be astonished at yourself; your advancement in whatever you undertake will be great. "I can't," has ruined many a man; has been the tomb of bright expectations and ardent hope. Let "I will try," be your motto in whatever you undertake, and if you press onward, you will steadily and surely accomplish your object, and come off victorious. THE Churchman's Companion. PART XXII., VOL. IV.] THE RED REPUBLICANS. [OCTOBER, 1848. SINCE the first bursting forth of the great political convulsion of recent years,—the French Revolution of February last—which has been productive of such wide-spread consequences throughout Europe, and bids fair to give birth to others even more important,- -we have thought it our duty to introduce into our pages several papers on the social state of both France and England, such as we hoped might tend to place these momentous events before our readers in their true light. These we have since published in the shape of Tracts, and have reason to believe that they have not been without their use, in directing the minds of many people to sound and true principles. During the progress of the last few months the aspect of affairs has somewhat changed; or rather, the real principles from which the recent disorders have arisen have become more clearly developed. The form in which the revolution of February appeared, was that of a rooted aversion to a particular dynasty, which generated in the middle and upper classes a disloyal spirit, and a consequent backwardness to repress the insurrection of the mob, as it was their duty to have done, and as they might have done with ease at first. In our first number, we strongly warned the middle classes of this country against a similar dereliction of duty. We pointed out that, if disorders arose in England, the most frightful calamities would ensue, and that the preservation of the country depended, under GOD's good providence, on the determination of the middle and upper classes to do their duty, in maintaining the public peace. We joined our voice to those who called on the "respectable" classes to stand up manfully for the maintenance of law and order. The result has been what we hoped. The peace has hitherto been preserved, and we trust will continue unimpaired. At the same time, we have always expressed our decided opinion, that it is not enough to repress disorder by the strong arm of the law; but that it is the duty, both of individuals and of government, to do all in their power to remedy the evils which really affect the poorer classes. The evils of which the poor VOL. IV. complain are partly real, partly imaginary. While we would strenuously support such measures as may relieve the wants of the people, and give them better food and clothing, and more regular employment at fair wages,-while we recognize the justice of the claim of "a fair day's wages for a fair day's work,”we at the same time have done all in our power to refute and discourage those visionary doctrines which are current in the minds of many, respecting the necessity of great political and social changes in the condition of the people. We have devoted several articles* to a minute examination of the theories of Chartists and Socialists; and, as we trust, have furnished in a short compass such plain and irrefragable evidences of the futility of both, as, if placed in the hands of an honest and reasonable man, cannot fail of convincing him of the folly of endeavouring to better his condition by any such means. In so doing, we have treated the Socialist and Chartist as reasonable men, who believe that the schemes which they uphold are really calculated to benefit the country. We have argued with them as men who desire to respect the rights of others, as well as to obtain what they believe to be their own; and we have no doubt that there are many men amongst them of this description,-men who have embraced the tenets of Chartism and Socialism, from the honest conviction that such plans, if brought to bear, will add to the welfare of their country, and remedy the evils under which it is suffering. Such persons, we trust, will read our arguments with candour, and give them that attention which we believe they deserve; and we would take this opportunity of requesting our friends to assist us in getting these tracts into the hands of the people. But there is another class of persons to be considered. The course of events within the last few months has brought to light the fact, that under the name Chartists, Socialists, Communists, and the like, there is a body of men whose objects and principles are very different from those which we have described. It has transpired that most of the leaders, and many, it is to be feared, of their followers, are men actuated by the most diabolical designs, banded together to subvert society, prepared to put to death all who oppose them, and to have a general scramble for the property of the community. These men have come to be designated by the appropriate name of Red Republicans. In France there are many who avow that name; in England it is to be feared there are not a few who have imbibed these principles. When we consider that ruffians like these, though few in number in comparison with the rest of the community, yet may, by the apathy of the better-disposed, or by some unfortunate conjuncture * See Tracts by Sosthenes, particularly Nos. 2, 3, and 4. of circumstances, accomplish their object, it is obvious that we ought to have some clear notion of their intentions and resources. Red Republicanism is no new idea. It is in fact one of those lurking atrocities or fiendish propensities, which always exist in human nature, and are brought to light when circumstances favour their development. The desire of plunder, the will to slay and seize, and lay waste, will always be found amongst mankind. In various ages of the world it has shown itself, in the inundation of barbarous hordes, who have forcibly invaded peaceful territories, and have committed all sorts of atrocious villanies and rapines. Our own Saxon, Danish, and Norman ancestors are more or less liable to these charges. The conquest of a country is seldom unaccompanied by the most fearful crimes. Almost any army of men, if uncontrolled by authority, will commit the most savage barbarities in a conquered country. Red Republicanism, properly so called, is the springing up of this rapacious spirit of indiscriminate plunder and violence in the heart of a nation, the aggression of one part of the community upon the lives and property of their neighbours, without pity or remorse. It is accompanied usually by some wild fanatical notions of freedom and equality. Ferocious outbreaks of this description have taken place in various ages and countries. Wat Tyler's insurrection in the reign of Richard II. was of this character. "A ragged multitude Of hinds and peasants, rude and merciless," rose against the upper classes to plunder and massacre them. The Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Treasurer, and others of high rank, fell victims to their rage. It was the intention of the insurgents to massacre the king, the nobles, and all the educated classes, especially the lawyers, for whom they had a strong aversion; to burn London to the ground, and divide the country amongst them. In the same times occurred the Jacquerie, in France, when the people in several provinces sacked and pillaged the castles of the nobility, committing the most horrible outrages on the nobles and their families. Similar atrocities prevailed in different parts of Europe. There was a sort of revolutionary ferment; an attempt of the lower classes to mend their condition by the destruction and pillage of those above them. The result of such attempts, if in any degree successful, is like that of the eruption of a horde of barbarians, to utterly destroy public security, render property and life unsafe, break up all domestic happiness, and throw back civilization by many degrees. The most flagrant instance of this spirit in modern times was the French revolution of 1789, of which, in fact, recent events are but the sequel. In 1789, and the following three or four years, the nobles and middle classes of France, by their selfishness and cowardice, allowed the mob to get the upper hand, and to run riot through the land. Then was the carnival of Red Republicanism; all the fiendish passions of human nature had their full career. The amiable king and his family were dragged in procession from Versailles to Paris, surrounded by the vilest refuse of the Parisian populace, who carried the gory heads of the king's guards on poles before his carriage. All, of whatever station, who at any time opposed the progress of democracy, were summarily put to death, drowned, shot, hung on lampposts, their hearts not unfrequently torn from their bodies, their ears worn as cockades in the hats of the murderers, who are said even to have drunk their blood. The prisons were crowded with persons of all classes, and the cowardly mob went round to them, and in cold blood massacred the helpless prisoners. Hundreds of thousands of persons were killed in street conflicts, riotings, civil strife, or put to death by fusillades and noyades; that is, wholesale shootings and drownings. 1,022,351 men, women, and children, including persons of all conditions of life, nobles, priests, artisans and their families, are computed to have been destroyed during the ascendancy of the Red Republicans. Meanwhile there was a general scramble for property. No one could call his possessions his own for a single day; the greater part of the property of the country was forcibly taken from its possessors, and appropriated to public purposes, or seized by demagogues. This system arrived at its height in the time of Robespierre, the principle of whose government was to condemn and execute all who opposed his influence, or were even suspected of opposing it. Every day saw cart-loads of persons, of every age, sex, and station, sent to the guillotine. At last, the authors of these atrocities, by a just retribution, put each other to death, and a short respite ensued. Red Republicanism assumed a new aspect under the guidance of Napoleon. Instead of allowing the Red Republicans to cut the throats of their fellow-countrymen, his principle was to send them to other countries to cut the throats of their neighbours. Under the rule of Napoleon, the days of Attila and Genseric revived. The French armies spread themselves over Europe, kindling, wherever they went, the same ferocious spirit; pulling down dynasties, subverting empires, seizing, confiscating, pillaging, and devastating. At length the indignant nations roused themselves to vengeance, and drove the tyrant from his bad eminence. After the fall of Napoleon, order reigned for a while in France and Europe; but it is not to be expected, when a demoniacal |