The labours of these monarchs were overpaid by the immense reward that inseparably waited on their success; by the honest pride of virtue, and by the exquisite delight of beholding the general happiness of which they were the authors. A just, but melancholy reflection embittered, however, the noblest of human enjoyments. They must often have recollected the instability of a happiness which depended on the character of a single man. The fatal moment was perhaps approaching, when some licentious youth, or some jealous tyrant, would abuse, to the destruction, that absolute power, which they had exerted for the benefit of their people. The ideal restraints of the senate and the laws might serve to display the virtues, but could never correct the vices, of the emperor. The military force was a blind and irresistible instrument of oppression; and the corruption of Roman manners would always supply flatterers eager to applaud, and ministers prepared to serve, the fear or the avarice, the lust or the cruelty, of their masters.

These gloomy apprehensions had been already justified by the experience of the Romans. The annals of the emperors exhibit a strong and various picture of human nature, which we should vainly seek among the mixed and doubtful characters of modern history.* In the conduct of those

* [This may be true, so far as regards the bad emperors, but not the good. Our Louis XI. and Christian II. are but poor-spirited tyrants, if they may be so called, in comparison with Tiberius, Nero, and Domitian. It is Christianity that has introduced a general improvement, and is the principal cause of the change. In the middle ages, the power of the religious orders and of the clergy repressed the vices of monarchs; and in more recent times, they have been checked by alliances among modern states, by the emulative rivalries of contemporary princes, and even by collateral hostilities, ever on the watch to detect and profit by an adversary's errors. A Roman emperor stood alone, supreme amid a world of slaves. On the other hand, the same circumstances, which have restrained the evil dispositions of modern rulers, have been no less favourable to the development of their virtues. I cannot see why such sovereigns as Henry the Fourth, Elizabeth, and Gustavus Adolphus, do not present examples of the same "exalted perfection," which Gibbon ascribes to Augustus, Trajan, and Hadrian. The characters of the latter were made up of very heterogeneous qualities. In many passages Gibbon himself has remarked this of Augustus and Hadrian. Trajan was immoderately addicted to drinking, and his ambition involved the empire in many unnecessary

wars.

M. Aurelius was an imperial pedant, and, by a mistaken indulgence, allowed the proconsular governors to plunder their provinces.

The

monarchs we may trace the utmost lines of vice and virtue ; the most exalted perfection, and the meanest degeneracy, of our own species. The golden age of Trajan and the Antonines had been preceded by an age of iron. It is almost superfluous to enumerate the unworthy successors of Augustus. Their unparalleled vices, and the splendid theatre on which they were acted, have saved them from oblivion. dark, unrelenting Tiberius, the furious Caligula, the feeble Claudius, the profligate and cruel Nero, the beastly Vitellius, and the timid inhuman Domitian, are condemned to everlasting infamy. During fourscore years (excepting only the short and doubtful respite of Vespasian's reign,†) Rome groaned beneath an unremitting tyranny, which exterminated the ancient families of the republic, and was fatal to almost every virtue, and every talent, that rose in that unhappy period.

Be it also remembered, that the grandeur and might of the Roman empire invested the virtues of its rulers with a magnificence which must be drawn aside while we scrutinize their real characters. Of the best among them, we have only short and superficial accounts, while the circumstantial details which we possess of all the movements of modern princes, introduce us, as it were, to their personal acquaintance. Men, like grand pictures, are generally seen to greatest advantage at a distance. Nor must it be forgotten, that none of the five exemplary rulers, Nerva and his successors, were born or educated in the purple. Matured in the cool, refreshing shade of private life, their virtues exalted them from retirement to a throne.-WENCK.] [M. Wenck misunderstood Gibbon's object in this passage. The emperors of Rome are not there placed above the sovereigns of the modern world. They are only said, and with justice, to have exhibited in their conduct, such a contrast of extremes, "the utmost lines of vice and virtue," as "we should vainly seek" in after times. M. Wenck has also overlooked the influence by which, during the last two hundred years, the growing importance and intelligence of the people have controlled those who have authority over them. It is to be wished that the asserted sway of religion over human passion could be more distinctly shown. At the present time we are enabled hopefully to watch its increasing influence.-ED.]

* Vitellius consumed, in mere eating, at least six millions of our money in about seven months. It is not easy to express his vices with dignity, or even decency. Tacitus fairly calls him a hog, but it is by substituting for a coarse word a very fine image. "At Vitellius, umbraculis hortorum abditus, ut ignava animalia, quibus si cibum suggeras jacent torpentque, præterita, instantia, futura, pari oblivione dimiserat. Atque illum nemore Aricino desidem et marcentem," &c. Tacit. Hist. 3, 36; 2, 95. Sueton. in Vitell. c. 13. Dion Cassius, 1. 65, p. 1062. The execution of Helvidius Priscus, and of the virtuous Eponina, disgraced the reign of Vespasian.

Under the reign of these monsters, the slavery of the Romans was accompanied with two peculiar circumstances, the one occasioned by their former liberty, the other by their extensive conquests, which rendered their condition more completely wretched than that of the victims of tyranny in any other age or country. From these causes were derived, 1. The exquisite sensibility of the sufferers; and, 2. The impossibility of escaping from the hand of the

oppressor.

I. When Persia was governed by the descendants of Sefi, a race of princes, whose wanton cruelty often stained their divan, their table, and their bed, with the blood of their favourites, there is a saying recorded of a young nobleman, that he never departed from the sultan's presence, without satisfying himself whether his head was still on his shoulders. The experience of every day might almost justify the scepticism of Rustan.* Yet the fatal sword, suspended above him by a single thread, seems not to have disturbed the slumbers, or interrupted the tranquillity, of the Persian. The monarch's frown, he well knew, could level him with the dust; but the stroke of lightning or apoplexy might be equally fatal; and it was the part of a wise man, to forget the inevitable calamities of human life in the enjoyment of the fleeting hour. He was dignified with the appellation of the king's slave; had, perhaps, been purchased from obscure parents, in a country which he had never known; and was trained up from his infancy in the severe discipline of the seraglio.† His name, his wealth, his honours, were the gift of a master, who might, without injustice, resume what he had bestowed. Rustan's knowledge, if he possessed any, could only serve to confirm his habits by prejudices. His language afforded not words for any form of government, except absolute monarchy. The history of the east informed him, that such had ever been the condition of mankind. The Koran, and the interpreters of that divine book, inculcated to him, that the

+ The practice

* Voyage de Chardin en Perse, vol. 3, p. 293. of raising slaves to the great offices of state is still more common among the Turks than among the Persians. The miserable countries of Georgia and Circassia supply rulers to the greatest part of the east.

Chardin says, that European travellers have diffused among the Persians some ideas of the freedom and mildness of our governments. They have done them a very ill office.

sultan was the descendant of the prophet, and the vicegerent of Heaven; that patience was the first virtue of a Mussulman, and unlimited obedience the great duty of a subject.

The minds of the Romans were very differently prepared for slavery. Oppressed beneath the weight of their own corruption and of military violence, they for a long while preserved the sentiments, or at least the ideas, of their freeborn ancestors. The education of Helvidius and Thrasea, of Tacitus and Pliny, was the same as that of Cato and Cicero. From Grecian philosophy, they had imbibed the justest and most liberal notions of the dignity of human nature, and the origin of civil society. The history of their own country had taught them to revere a free, a virtuous, and a victorious commonwealth; to abhor the successful crimes of Cæsar and Augustus; and inwardly to despise those tyrants whom they adored with the most abject flattery. As magistrates and senators, they were admitted into the great council, which had once dictated laws to the earth, whose name still gave a sanction to the acts of the monarch, and whose authority was so often prostituted to the vilest purposes of tyranny. Tiberius, and those emperors who adopted his maxims, attempted to disguise their murders by the formalities of justice, and perhaps enjoyed a secret pleasure in rendering the senate their accomplice as well as their victim. By this assembly, the last of the Romans were condemned for imaginary crimes and real virtues. Their infamous accusers assumed the language of independent patriots, who arraigned a dangerous citizen before the tribunal of his country; and the public service was rewarded by riches and honours.* The servile judges professed to assert the majesty of the commonwealth, violated in the person of its first magistrate,t whose clemency they most

They alleged the example of Scipio and Cato. (Tacit. Annal. 3, 66.) Marcellus Epirus and Crispus Vibius had acquired 2,500,0007. under Nero. Their wealth, which aggravated their crimes, protected them under Vespasian. See Tacit. Hist. 4, 43. Dialog. de Orator. c. 8. For one accusation, Regulus, the just object of Pliny's satire, received from the senate the consular ornaments, and a present of 60,0007.

+ The crime of majesty was formerly a treasonable offence against the Roman people. As tribunes of the people, Augustus and Tiberius applied it to their own persons, and extended it to an infinite latitude. [It was first so applied by Tiberius, never by Augustus. See Bach's Trajan and his authorities, p. 27 et seq..-WENCK.]

*

applauded when they trembled the most at his inexorable and impending cruelty. The tyrant beheld their baseness with just contempt, and encountered their secret sentiments of detestation with sincere and avowed hatred for the whole body of the senate.

II. The division of Europe into a number of independent states, connected, however, with each other by the general resemblance of religion, language, and manners, is productive of the most beneficial consequences to the liberty of mankind. A modern tyrant, who should find no resistance, either in his own breast or in his people, would soon experience a gentle restraint from the example of his equals, the dread of present censure, the advice of his allies, and the apprehension of his enemies. The object of his displeasure, escaping from the narrow limits of his dominions, would easily obtain, in a happier climate, a secure refuge, a new fortune adequate to his merit, the freedom of complaint, and perhaps the means of revenge. But the empire of the Romans filled the world, and when that empire fell into the hands of a single person, the world became a safe and dreary prison for his enemies. The slave of imperial despotism, whether he was condemned to drag his gilded chain in Rome and the senate, or to wear out a life of exile on the barren rock of Seriphus; or the frozen banks of the Danube, expected his fate in silent despair.† To resist was fatal, and it was impossible to fly. On every side he was encompassed with a vast extent of sea and land, which he could never hope to traverse without being discovered, seized, and restored to his irritated master. Beyond the frontiers, his anxious view could discover nothing, except the ocean, inhospitable deserts, hostile tribes of barbarians, of fierce manners and unknown language, or dependent kings, who would gladly purchase the emperor's protection by the sacri

*After the virtuous and unfortunate widow of Germanicus had been put to death, Tiberius received the thanks of the senate for his clemency. She had not been publicly strangled; nor was the body drawn with a hook to the Gemoniæ, where those of common malefac tors were exposed. See Tacit. Annal. 6, 25. Sueton. in Tiberio, c. 53. + Seriphus was a small rocky island in the Ægean sea, the inhabitants of which were despised for their ignorance and obscurity. The place of Ovid's exile is well known, by his just but unmanly lamentations. It should seem, that he only received an order to leave Rome in so many days, and to transport himself to Tomi. Guards and jailers

were unnecessary.