defended by artillery. But he succeeded in making good his landing, and compelled Washington to evacuate Long Island, which he did under cover of a dense fog.

General Howe and his brother, in addition to their military and naval command, were possessed of special powers to act as commissioners for restoring peace to the colonies. Accordingly some negotiations were immediately instituted by them with this view. General Sullivan, who had been taken prisoner on Long Island, was sent on parole with a verbal message from Lord Howe to congress, "That though he could not at present treat with them in that character, yet he was very desirous of having a conference with some of the members, whom he would consider as private gentlemen; that he, with his brother the general, had full power to compromise the dispute between Great Britain and America, upon terms advantageous to both; that he wished a compact might be settled at a time when no decisive blow had yet been struck, and neither party could say it was compelled to enter into such agreement; that were they disposed to treat, many things which they had not yet asked, might and ought to be granted; and that if upon conference they found any probable ground of accommodation, the authority of congress would be afterwards acknowledged to render the treaty complete." Three days after this message was received, Sullivan was requested to inform Lord Howe, "That congress being the representatives of the free and independent States of America, they cannot with propriety send any of their members to confer with his lordship in their private characters; but that, ever desirous of establishing peace on reasonable terms, they will send a committee of their body to know whether he has any authority to treat with persons authorized by congress for that purpose on behalf of America, and what that authority is, and to hear such propositions as he shall think fit to make respecting the same." Franklin, John Adams, and Edward Rutlege, formed the committee appointed for this purpose. They met Lord Howe on Staten Island, and were received with great politeness. On their return they made a report of their conference, which they summed up by saying: "It did not appear to your committee that his lordship's commission contained any other authority than that expressed in the act of parliament, namely, that of granting pardons, with such exceptions as the commissioners shall think proper to make, and of declaring America, or any part of it, to be in the king's peace on submission; for as to the power of inquiring into the state of America, which his lordship mentioned to us, and of conferring and consulting with any persons the commissioners might think proper, and representing the result of such conversation to the ministry, who, provided the colonies would subject themselves, might, after all, or might not, at their pleasure, make any alterations in the former instructions to governors, or propose in parliament any amendment of the acts complained of, we apprehend any expectation from the effect of such a power would have been too uncertain and precarious to be relied on by America, had she still continued in her state of dependence." Lord Howe had ended the conference on his part by expressing his regard for America, and the extreme pain he would suffer in being obliged to distress those whom he so much regarded. Dr Franklin thanked him for his regards, and assured him, "that the Americans would show their gratitude by endeavouring to

lessen, as much as possible, all pain he might feel on their account, by exerting their utmost abilities in taking good care of themselves."

The Americans, however, resolved not to risk their army for the sake of New York. They removed all the public stores, and allowed the British to take quiet possession of the place. General Washington then successively retreated across the North river to Newark, Princetown, and the Pennsylvania side of the Delaware. Howe soon after retired into winter-quarters. In the next campaign he defeated the Americans on the heights of Brandywine, and took possession of Philadelphia, after which he passed a second winter in still greater inactivity, it was alleged, than the preceding. Shortly after the opening of the third campaign, he was superseded in his command by Sir Henry Clinton.

The return of the Howes excited a considerable sensation; and as their characters had been covertly attacked by ministers, who wished to excuse their own misconduct by throwing the blame upon the commanders, they, as well as General Burgoyne, demanded a parliamentary inquiry. The minister endeavoured to avoid all inquiry whatever, and insisted that parliament was not the place where such inquiry could be instituted. To this it was answered, that to deny the competence of the house to institute this inquiry was a daring violation of the privileges of parliament. On this occasion Sir William Howe proposed that Earl Cornwallis should be examined, "as to the general conduct of the American war; to military points generally and particularly." To this the minister proposed an amendment, "that Lord Cornwallis be called in and examined relative to general and particular military points, touching the general conduct of the American war." Nothing could excite greater indignation than this evasion of inquiry; but on a division, the minister carried his amendment by 189 to 155. The main question was rejected by 180 to 158. Thus all inquiry appeared at an end; but the opposition renewed the motion for the examination of Lord Cornwallis, a few days after, and were so ably supported, that no means employed by the minister were sufficient to prevent the hearing of that noble lord. Besides Lord Cornwallis, Major-general Grey, Si Andrew Snape Hammond, and others, were examined, and it was made to appear from their evidence that the force sent to America was at no time equal to the subjugation of the country. It was, at the same time, proved that the American minister had been constantly reminded of the difficult and impracticable nature of the war, that he had discredited what was said on the subject, and that the reinforcement he at length had sent came too late for any effectual purpose.

In 1782 General Howe was made lieutenant-general of the ordnance and in 1786 colonel of the 19th dragoons. In 1795 he became governor of Berwick; in 1799 he succeeded to the Irish viscounty of his brother, Admiral Howe; in 1804 he resigned his office of lieutenantgeneral of the ordnance. He died without issue on the 12th of July, 1814; at which time he was a privy-counsellor and governor of Plymouth. He represented Nottingham in several parliaments, but does not appear to have ever taken any conspicuous part in political affairs

William, Lord Auckland.

BORN A. D. 1743.-died A. D. 1814.

WILLIAM EDEN, Lord Auckland, descended from the ancient family of Eden of West Auckland, in the county of Durham, on which the rank of baronetage was conferred by Charles II. in 1672, was the third son of Sir Robert, the third baronet. He was educated at Eton, and became a student of Christ-church, Oxford, in 1763. In 1765 he was admitted of the Inner Temple, and called to the bar in 1768.

He first devoted his attention to the law, with a design of following the practice of it, and actually went the northern circuit, being patronized and recommended by Mr Wedderburne, in concert with whom he is supposed to have planned and effected the coalition. In 1771 he published Principles of Penal Law,' 8vo,-a work consisting of detached observations, but without any regular chain of causes and effects. It however discovered a considerable share of ingenuity and genius, and recommended its author to the notice of the minister, who soon afterwards appointed him under-secretary of state for the northern department. In this employment he conducted himself with great ability; and, in addition to the emoluments of his office, had the post of one of the directors of Greenwich hospital given to him: he was also taken under the patronage of the duke of Marlborough, and chosen member for Woodstock. In March, 1776, he was advanced to the dignity of a lord of trade and plantations; and in 1778, when the too late adopted plan of treating with the colonies was determined upon, he, with Lord Carlisle, and Governor Johnstone, was nominated to the important office of commissioner. He embarked for America with his coadjutors; but their mission was not attended with any success. It seems, however, to have been the means of introducing him to the friendship of Lord Carlisle, whom, in December, 1780, he accompanied to Ireland as secretary. He continued in this station until the change of the ministry, in April, 1782, when he defended his patron with a degree of warmth and spirit, which before had not been discovered to form part of his character. Being in England at this juncture, he took a very decided part against the new administration.

In November, 1779, he published four letters, addressed to the earl of Carlisle, on the spirit of party,-on the circumstances of the war,on the means of raising supplies,-and on the representations of Ireland respecting a free trade. This publication, at once ably and candidly written, called forth a considerable degree of public attention; it was afterwards enlarged, and gave rise to a good deal of party-reasoning in print. These letters were followed by a short controversy with Dr Price on the population of England, a discussion which was pursued by others with great ability. In April, 1783, Mr Eden was sworn of his majesty's privy-council in England, and appointed vice-treasurer of Ireland, which office he resigned in Decen ber following. In 1785 he was nominated one of the lords of the committee of council for trade and plantations, and sent as minister plenipotentiary to the court of Versailles, for the purpose of negotiating a treaty of commerce be

tween Great Britain and France. That treaty was concluded and sigued in September, 1786. In January, 1787, he signed a farther commercial convention; and in August the same year, another for preventing disputes between the subjects of the two crowns in the East Indies. In these truly important treaties, the consummate abilities of Mr Eden as a man of business, and his intimate knowledge of British commerce and manufactures, and of the true interests of both were conspicuously displayed. The connexion between the two countries was placed on a footing certainly not in itself disadvantageous to France; but so much more beneficial to Great Britain than that on which any former commercial treaty had rested, that the country was contented to reap the fruits of it in silence for nearly three years, before France discovered, or chose to acknowledge, that it was possible for her negotiators to be overmatched by an Englishman. The convention respecting India was of still higher consideration than the commer. cial treaties, important as they were. It involved interests of state policy of the first magnitude; it put an end to the claims so often previously set up by France against our right of sovereignty in India, and annihilated, as far as the most solemn compact can have that effect, every question, dispute, or challenge of our right which could in future be brought forward. In 1788 Mr Eden went as ambassador to Spain; and on his return, in October, 1789, was elevated to the dignity of an Irish peer. A few weeks afterwards he was appointed ambassador to the United States of Holland; and on occasion of the Spanish armament in 1790, he obtained the prompt and friendly detachment of a considerable Dutch squadron to Portsmouth; and in December of the same year his lordship concluded and signed the convention between the Emperor Leopold, the kings of Great Britain and Prussia, and the States-general, relative to the affairs of the Netherlands.

In 1792-3 Lord Auckland took an active part as ambassador to Holland, in the efforts made for preventing the mischief which overwhelmed so many of the continental powers; and in May of the last mentioned year, was promoted to the dignity of a British peer. A few months afterwards his lordship relinquished the diplomatic career, and returned home, but not to waste the remainder of his life in ignoble sloth or useless ease. From that period he not only attended his parliamentary duties with exemplary diligence, but took an active part in most of the proceedings of that branch of the legislature of which he was a member. As an orator he was correct, fluent, and intelligent; and whenever the occasion seemed to justify it, he appealed to his fellow-subjects through the medium of the press also. In 1795 he published Remarks on the Apparent Circumstances of the War,' and more than once stood forward as a writer on the popular topics to which the eventful times so frequently gave birth.

On the death of the earl of Mansfield in 1796, Lord Auckland was chosen chancellor of Marischal college, Aberdeen, and in 1798 appointed to the office of joint post-master-general, which he held till the end of Mr Pitt's administration in 1801. In the session of 1799-1800 his lordship renewed the attempt to check the growing practice of adultery, by bringing forward a bill, the principle of which was to prevent the intermarriage of the guilty parties; but it was warmly opposed, and finally thrown out in the house of lords. In 1799 Lord Auckland sup

ported the measure of the income tax, and published the substance of his speech on that occasion. He also published his speech in support of the union with Ireland, and in the course of it stated that he had been particularly employed with others in preparing the details of that measure to be submitted to parliament. His lordship married in 1776, Eleanor, second daughter of Gilbert Elliot, and sister to Earl Minto, by whom he had a large family. The unfortunate loss of his eldest son is said to have affected his lordship so severely, that he never recovered from the shock. His death was wholly unexpected. While sitting at breakfast with his family he was seized with a spasm, fell from his chair, and instantly expired, May 28th, 1814.

Gilbert, Lord Minto.

BORN A. D. 1751.—died A. D. 1814.

THE RIGHT HON. LORD MINTO, governor-general of India, was the representative of a branch of the family of Elliot, of great antiquity in the south of Scotland. His father, Sir Gilbert, was a conspicuous member of the house of commons, and held various offices in administration. Lord Minto was born in 1751, and educated at an English university. Having visited the principal countries of Europe, he was, in 1774, elected a member of parliament. Although of a whig family, yet his father's attachment to the politics of the court led him to join the friends of administration in that embarrassing crisis, when the contest with America began to assume a serious aspect. The conduct of ministers, however, was too feeble, or two timid, to secure the support of their friends; and Lord Minto, then Sir Gilbert Elliot, with many others, connected themselves with the opposition. In all the measures adopted by that portion of the parliament, Sir Gilbert bore a distinguished part, and so well did he stand in their judgment, as to be selected to fill the speaker's chair, in opposition to the ministerial candidate, Mr Addington, now Lord Sidmouth.

About this time the great question of reform in parliament, and in different branches of public affairs, was publicly agitated and popularly encouraged. On this occasion, Sir Gilbert Elliot withdrew from the ranks of opposition. During the disorders created in France by the other powers of Europe, the people of Corsica sought to place themselves under the protection of Britain. Sir Gilbert Elliot was pitched upon as a competent person to manage this business; and in the end of September, 1793, having been sworn in a member of the privy-council, he was appointed a commissioner to that effect. Early in 1794 the principal strong holds of Corsica were surrendered by the French to the British arms. The king accepted the sovereignty of the island; and on the 19th of June, 1794, Sir Gilbert Elliot, as viceroy, presided in a general assembly of the chiefs of Corsica, in which was adopted a constitutional code, reprehended by some as extremely democratical, but perhaps not ill-adapted to the genius and situation of the people for whom it was intended. Notwithstanding this arrangement, a considerable party, devoted to France and their country, remained in Corsica, who, encouraged by the successes of the French armies in the adjoin