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and it is the same, whether invested in manufacturing stock, bank stock, or the black stock of the South. Intent on its own interest, it is utterly regardless of the rights of humanity. It would coin dividends out of the destruction of souls. Here, then, sir, we have sixteen hundred millions of capital,- heartless, unfeeling capital, intent on its own pecuniary advancement. It is here, sir, in these halls, in desperate conflict with the rights of humanity and of free labor. It is struggling to clutch in its iron grasp the soil of the country,-that soil which is man's inheritance, and which of right should belong to him who labors upon it. Sixteen hundred millions of dollars demands the soil of our territories in perpetuity for its human chattels,-to drive back the free laborer from his rightful field of enterprise,—from his lawful and God-given inheritance. Slavery must have a wider field, or the money value of flesh and blood will deteriorate. Additional security and strength must be given to the holders of human stock. What though humanity should shriek and wail? Money is insatiate, capital is deaf to the voice of its pleadings. To oppose the extension of slavery, -to resist in the councils of the nation the demands of this huge money power, to advocate the rights of humanity and of free labor is, in the estimation of the gentleman from Illinois, to be sectional and fanatical. To bow down to this money power, to do its bidding,-to be its instrument and its tool, is doubtless, in the esteem of the gentleman, to stand upon a "broad and national platform." Freedom and humanity, truth and justice, is a platform too narrow for his enlarged and comprehensive mind, the universality of slavery can alone fill its capacious powers. Slavery is democratic, freedom fanatical! Sir, the gentleman no doubt sees fanaticism in a bold and fearless advocacy of the right. With some minds nothing is rational and practical except that which pays well. -(From a speech in Congress, July 24th, 1856.) Winthrop, Robert C. (American, 1809-1894.)

Washington-The republic may perish; the wide arch of our raised Union may fall; star by star its glories may expire; stone after stone its columns and its capitol may molder and crumble; all other names which adorn its annals may be forgotten; but as long as human hearts shall anywhere pant, or human tongue shall anywhere plead, for a sure, rational, constitutional liberty, those hearts shall enshrine the memory, and those tongues shall prolong the fame, of George Washington.-(At the laying of the corner stone of the Washington monument.)

The Union of 1776-Our fathers were no propagandists of republican institutions in the abstract. Their own adoption of a republican form was, at the moment, almost as much a matter of chance as of choice, of necessity as of preference. The thirteen colonies had, happily, been too long accustomed to manage their own affairs, and were too widely jealous of each other, also, to admit for an instant any idea of

centralization; and without centralization a monarchy, or any other form of arbitrary government, was out of the question. Union was then, as it is now, the only safety for liberty; but it could only be a constitutional union, a limited and restricted union, founded on compromises and mutual concessions; a union recognizing a large measure of States' rights,resting not only on the division of powers among legislative and executive departments, but resting also on the distribution of powers between the States and the nation, both deriving their original authority from the people, and exercising that authority for the people. This was the system contemplated by the declaration of 1776. This was the system approximated to by the confederation of 1778-1781. This was the system finally consummated by the Constitution of 1789. And under this system our great example of self-government has been held up before the nations, fulfilling, so far as it has fulfilled it, that lofty mission which is recognized to-day as "liberty enlightening the world." (From his Centennial oration delivered in Boston, July 4th, 1876.)

Wirt, William (American, 1772-1834.)

Jefferson's "Nunc Domine»-Those who surrounded the death-bed of Mr. Jefferson report that in the few short intervals of delirium that occurred, his mind manifestly relapsed to the age of the Revolution. He talked in broken sentences of the committees of safety, and the rest of that great machinery which he imagined to be still in action. One of his exclamations was : "Warn the committee to be on their guard"; and he instantly rose in his bed, with the help of his attendants, and went through the act of writing a hurried note. But these intervals were few and short. His reason was almost constantly upon her throne, and the only aspiration he was heard to breathe was the prayer that he might live to see the Fourth of July. When that day came, all that he was heard to whisper was the repeated ejaculation,-" Nunc Domine dimittas»-(Now, Lord, let thy servant depart in peace!) And the prayer of the patriot was heard and answered.-(1826.)

Genius and Work-Genius unexerted is like the 'poor moth that flutters around a candle till it scorches itself to death. If genius be desirable at all, it is only of that great and magnani. mous kind which, like the condor of South America, pitches from the summit of Chimborazo above the clouds, and sustains itself at pleasure, in that empyreal region, with an energy rather invigorated than weakened by the effort. It is this capacity for high and long-continued exertion, this vigorous power of profound and searching investigation,- this careering and wide-spreading comprehension of mind, and those long reaches of thought, that,―

" - Pluck bright honor from the pale-faced moon,
Or dive into the bottom of the deep,
Where fathom line could never touch the ground,
And drag up drowned honor by the locks - »

this is the prowess, and these the hardy achievements which are to enroll your names among the great men of the earth.

Wise, Henry A. (American, 1819-1869.)

"Dark Lanterns» in Politics - KnowNothingism is against the spirit of Reformation and Protestantism. Let the most bigoted Protestant enumerate what he defines to have been the abominations of the Church of Rome. What would he say were the worst ?-The secrets of Jesuitism, of the Auto-da-fé, of the monasteries and of the nunneries; the private penalties of the Inquisition's Scavenger's Daughter,proscription, persecution, bigotry, intolerance, shutting up of the Book of the Word. And do Protestants now mean to out-Jesuit the Jesuits? Do they mean to strike and not be seen? To be felt and not to be heard? To put a shudder upon humanity by the masks of mutes? Will they wear the monkish cowls? Will they inflict penalties at the polls without reasoning together with their fellows at the hustings? Will they proscribe? Persecute? Will they bloat up themselves into that bigotry which would burn Nonconformists? Will they not tolerate freedom of conscience, but doom dissenters, in secret conclave, to a forfeiture of civil privileges for a religious difference? Will they not translate the scripture of their faith? Will they visit us with dark lanterns and execute us by signs, and test oaths, and in secrecy? Protestantism, forbid it! (From an address in 1856, against the Know-Nothings.)

Wiseman, Nicholas P. S., Cardinal (England, 1802-1865.)

The Church Bell-Of all musical instruments, it is by far the grandest, solemn or deep, or shrill and clear; or, still better, with both combined in a choral peal, it is the only instrument whose music can travel on the winds, can heave in noble swells upon the breeze, and can out-bellow the storm. It alone speaks to heaven as to earth, and scatters abroad its sounds, till in the distance they seem to come but by fragments and broken

notes.

Every other instrument creeps on earth, or sends its sounds skimming over its surface; but this pours it out from above, like the shower, or the light, or whatever comes from the higher regions to benefit those below. Indeed, it seems to call out from the middle space which heavenly messengers would occupy, to make proclamation to man; condescending to an inferior sphere, but not wholly deigning to soil themselves with earth; high enough to command, low enough to be understood.

The Levite trumpet had something startling and military in it, that spoke of alarms and human passions; every other vocal instrument belongs to the world (excepting, perhaps, the noble organ, too huge and too delicately constructed for out-of-doors), and associates itself with profane amusements; but the solemn old bell has refused to lend itself for any such

purpose, and as it swings to and fro, receiving its impulses from the temple of God below, talks of nothing but sacred things, and now reproves the laggard, and now cheers the sorrowful, and now chides the over-mirthful. Woodbury, Levi (American, 1789-1851.)

The Tariff of 1842-So, if you have the right to give protection to one branch of industry, as a legitimate constitutional end under the powers of the Federal Government, and not merely as an incidental consequence of duties imposed for revenue, why not march manfully to such protection in a separate bill? Why not, as in France, expressly prohibit what comes from abroad, and competes with our manufactures, which it is deemed so important to cherish? Why not add, likewise, direct bounties in other cases, where found necessary to sustain them? That would at least be intelligible, aboveboard, and the country would see and understand what Congress was really doing; and that policy would not, as in this case, by an unnatural combination, embarrass or endanger the only avowed object of this measure on its face,which is, to raise revenue.-(From a speech in the U. S. Senate, in August, 1842.) Woolworth, James M. (American, Contemporaneous.)

Individual Liberty-"Glittering generalities," a most brilliant advocate called the selfevident truths of the Declaration. Possibly so; indeed, certainly so, if you stop with that instrument. But when they were realized in the conscience, and embedded in the moral constitution of the people, and interwoven with all the filaments of the heart, so as to give tone and temper to the common life, and appear and reappear in the very efflorescence of popular sentiments, instincts, impulses, emotions, and passions, they became transcendent, vital, and all-governing facts. And so it is not strange, it is just what we should expect that these "glittering generalities" were more particularly stated and defined in the Constitution, in other words, to be sure, but words of the same meaning, sense, and import; that is to say, no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law; no State shall deny to any person the equal protection of the laws; private property shall not be taken for public use without just compensation; and the many other clauses, by which these fundamental rights, privileges, immunities, and franchises are assured; such as those guaranteeing free elections, free speech, justice administered without denial or delay, the privileges of the habeas corpus, trial by a jury of the vicinage, and so on and so on.

And thus, reversing our steps, we trace these mandates, prohibitions, and guarantees of our constitutions back to the comprehensive phrase of the Declaration of Independence, that governments are instituted to the end that each and every man may exercise all his faculties in whatever way he may, according to his own judgment, choose, so as to derive from them his

highest enjoyment. The citizen, the person, the individual,- living his own life, cherishing his own aspirations, making and meeting his own destiny, he is the integer; he is sacred; for him are all the solicitudes. To conserve his rights, consistently with those of others, and to give him opportunity to work out his own happiness, without responsibility to others, and without responsibility from others to him, governments are instituted. For these purposes are all the complex system of laws, the vast scheme of administration, the splendor and majesty of the immortal State.- (From his address as president of the American Bar Association. 1897.)

Wyckliffe, John (England, c. 1324-1384.)

"Truly and Willfully Do Thy Labor » — Truly and willfully do thy labor that if thy lord or thy master be a heathen man, that by thy meekness and willful and true service, he have not to murmur against thee, nor slander thy God nor Christendom. . . For that God that putteth thee in such service wots what state is best for thee, and will reward thee more than all earthly lords may, if thou dost it truly and willfully for his ordinance. And in all things beware of murmuring against God and his visitation, in great labor and long, and great sickness and other adversities, and beware of wrath, of cursing and warying, or banning, of man or of beast. And ever keep patience and meekness and charity both to God and to man. And thus each man in these three states oweth to live, to save himself and help others; and thus should good life, rest, peace, and charity be among Christian men, and they be saved, and heathen men soon converted, and God magnified greatly in all nations and sects that now despise him and his law, for the wicked living of false Christian men. — (From a sermon in "The World's Best Orations. »)

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Wyndham, Sir William (England, 1687-1740.) "Not Prophesying-Only Supposing » We have been told, sir, in this House, that no faith is to be given to prophecies. Therefore I shall not pretend to prophesy; but I may suppose a case, which, though it has not yet happened, may possibly happen. Let us, then, suppose, sir, a man abandoned to all notions of virtue or honor, of no great family, and of but a mean fortune, raised to be chief minister of state by the concurrence of many whimsical events; afraid or unwilling to trust any but creatures of his own making, and most of them equally abandoned to all notions of virtue or honor; ignorant of the true interest of his country, and consulting nothing but that of enriching and aggrandizing himself and his favorites; in foreign affairs, trusting none but those whose education makes it impossible for them to have such knowledge or such qualifications as can either be of service to their country or give any weight or credit to their negotiations. Let us suppose the true interest of the nation, by such means, neglected or misunderstood; her honor and credit lost; her trade insulted; her mer

chants plundered; and her sailors murdered; and all these things overlooked, only for fear his administration should be endangered. Suppose him next possessed of great wealth, the plunder of the nation, with a Parliament of his own choosing, most of their seats purchased, and their votes bought at the expense of the public treasure. In such a Parliament, let us suppose attempts made to inquire into his conduct, or to relieve the nation from the distress he has brought upon it; and when lights proper for attaining those ends are called for, not, perhaps, for the information of the particular gentlemen who call for them, but because nothing can be done in a parliamentary way till these things be in a proper way laid before Parliament; suppose these lights refused, these reasonable requests rejected by a corrupt majority of his creatures, whom he retains in daily pay, or engages in his particular interest by granting them those posts and places which ought never to be given to any but for the good of the public. -(From a speech in Parliament attacking Sir Robert Walpole. 1734.)

Zollicofer, Joachim (Switzerland, -.)

Continuous Life and Everlasting Increase in Power- My existence is not confined to this fleeting moment! It will continue forever! My activity is not bounded by the narrow circle in which I now live and move; it will be ever enlarging, ever becoming more extensive and diversified. My intellectual powers are not subject to dissolution and decay like dust; they shall continue in operation and effect forever; and the more I exert them here, the better I employ them, the more I effect by them, so much better shall I use them in the future world; so much the more shall I there effect by them. I see before me an incessant enlargement of my sphere of sight and action, an incessant increase in knowledge, in virtue, in activity, in bliss. The whole immensity of God's creation, the whole unnumbered host of intelligent, thinking beings, all the hidden treasures of wisdom and knowledge in Jesus Christ, the unfathomable depths of Divine perfection, — what noble employments, what displays of my powers, what pure joys, what everlasting progress, do not these afford to my expectations? -(From a sermon on Psalms, viii. 5.)

Zwingli, Ulrich (Switzerland, 1484-1531.)

Extracts from His Sermons During the Reformation - Before the fall, man had been created with a free will, so that, had he been willing, he might have kept the law; his nature was pure; the disease of sin had not yet reached him; his life was in his own hands. But having desired to be as God, he died,— and not he alone, but all his posterity. Since then in Adam all. men are dead, no one can recall them to life, until the Spirit, which is God himself, raises them from the dead.

Christ, very man and very God, has purchased for us a never-ending redemption. For since it was the eternal God who died for us, his

passion is therefore an eternal sacrifice, and everlastingly effectual to heal; it satisfies the Divine justice forever in behalf of all those who rely upon it with firm and unshaken faith. Wherever sin is, death of necessity follows. Christ was without sin, and guile was not found in his mouth; and yet he died! This death he suffered in our stead! He was willing to die that he might restore us to life; and as he had no sins of his own, the all-merciful Father laid ours upon him. Seeing that the will of man had rebelled against the Most High, it was necessary for the re-establishment

of eternal order, and for the salvation of man, that the human will should submit in Christ's person to the Divine will. .

Since eternal salvation proceeds solely from the merits and death of Jesus Christ, it follows that the merit of our own works is mere vanity and folly, not to say impiety and senseless impudence. If we could have been saved by our own works, it would not have been necessary for Christ to die. All who have ever come to God, have come to him through the death of Jesus Christ.

CELEBRATED IMAGINARY ADDRESSES AND
SOLILOQUIES

HE laws of language and the laws of music are so closely correlated that even the plainest prose is governed by the same principles of melody which govern the highest form of poetical expression. There is no break at any point of the development of speech towards its highest possibilities of beauty and power. The poets are thus the best teachers of prose, because it is in their best verse only that the laws of prose find perfect expression. All great orators have been taught by the great poets. Homer in the classical ages and Shakespeare in modern times have taught the greatest orators who ever lived. Anyone who will read aloud their verse and the verse of other great poets as persistently as a musician practices to acquire skill on his instrument, is almost sure to acquire a controlling "ear" for melody in language. It is indispensable for success, however, that the verse should be read aloud, in order that the ear may clearly grasp its vowel harmonies. This has been recognized practically, even if it has not been defined as a principle, for the "recitation" of speeches and soliloquies from Homer, Milton and Shakespeare has long been a favorite exercise in the schools. Some of the speeches which the great poets put in the mouths of their characters represent eloquence of the highest order. The orations delivered at the Council of War in hell by Milton's fallen angels have seldom been equaled, and, certainly, they have never been surpassed in either the American Congress or the British Parliament. It would be safe to say the same thing of the speeches and soliloquies in Homer, Shakespeare, and Byron. In selecting such speeches and soliloquies for this work, care has been taken to find, by examining the "Speakers » most used in America and England, those which general experience has shown to be most widely useful for oratorical purposes. Only the most celebrated have been included, and, though what may be called "the acting versions," as they have been adapted for recitation by the best elocutionists,- have been retained, they have been compared with the original texts in standard editions and corrected.

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