2

of recovering themselves; and where man and beast kept rolling over one another in endless confusion. His other accounts are even still more preposterous. For instance, the idea of recovering some of the cattle, or beasts of burden, after they had fallen from the rocks,' and the romantic dilemma of arriving at a spot, where an army, which had passed through so many real obstacles, was at last stopped by a precipice of a thousand feet deep, and obliged to spend four days in digging, and burning, and melting a passage through the rock. The fact is, that Hannibal was a general of too much experience, to think of a random expedition in the face of such mountain obstacles as Livy has represented: on the contrary, he must have supplied himself with able and trust-worthy guides, who knew and described the passes which the army was to take: he must have ascertained his route and resources before he set out, and have taken that line of march where his troops would have the means of subsistence, and the least fatigue. The plains of Chamberry, the valleys of the Isere and Aouste, and the passes which were traced by fol lowing the courses of the Isere and the Doire, offered Hannibal a practi cable route; which, though it was not without its perils and difficulties, yet did not expose his forces to the certainty of being starved to death, or lost amidst precipices.

The third chapter commences with a relation of the author's arrival at Turin, and his introduction to a Vaudois family resident in that capital: it proceeds with a description of the Superga, built by Victor Amadeus IId, and makes a natural digression to the horrible persecutions of the Waldenses by that Prince in the year 1686.

In the fourth chapter we are conducted to Pomaretto, the first of the Protestant villages among the Alps, which Mr. Gilly visited; and here we have presented to our notice one of the most extraordinary and interesting characters that are to be met with in real life, in the person of the venerable Rodolphe Peyrani, primate or moderator of the Waldensian church. The successor of a line of prelates whom tradition would extend to the Apostles themselves, the high-priest of a church which is beyond all doubt the parent church of every Protestant commu

afflicti vestigio suo: aliique super alios, et jumenta et homines occiderent."

"Jumenta aliquot, quæ prolapsa in rupibus erant, sequendo vestigia agminis, in castra pervenere.'

2 "Ventum deinde ad multo angustiorem rupem, atque ita rectis saxis, nt ægre expeditus miles tentabundus, manibusque retinens virgulta ac stirpes circa eminentes, demittere se posset-in pedum mille altitudinem- antum nivis fodiendum atque egerendum fuit-struem ingentem lignorum faciunt: eamque succendunt, ardentiaque saxa infuso aceto putrefaciunt-quatriduum circa rupem consumptum."-LIVY, 4.

21. c. 35. 36. 37.

nity of Europe, is found residing on one of the most dreary spots that ever burst upon the view, and in a cottage whose appearance was inferior to the most indifferent parsonage in England, or the humblest manse in Scotland. He was bent down by poverty, age, sickness and suffering. But when the strangers were introduced to him, his mental energy rose supérior to bodily infirmity, and he entered into an animated conversation on the history and condition of the little church over which he presided, in a strain, which makes us envy those who had this opportunity of listening to him. Two extracts will suffice to excite the same feeling which we ourselves indulge.

The welcome which we received from our venerable host, was expressed with all the warmth and sincerity of one, whose kindly feelings had not yet been chilled by years or sufferings: and the manner in which it was delivered, displayed a knowledge of the world, and a fine tact of good breeding, which are not looked for in Alpine solitudes, or in the dusty study of a recluse. We were pre-disposed to respect his virtues and piety, and had been given to understand that he was a man of the first literary acquirements; but we did not expect to find the tone and manners of one, whose brows would do honor to the mitre of any diocese in Europe: nor did we know that he, who was now drooping in a state of the veriest penury, had been, during the French domination, one of the twenty-five members of the provisional government of Piemont. Such a reverse could never have been discovered from his complaints, for there was nothing of querulousness in any of his observations, nor did he once express himself with the least degree of bitterness on the subject of his own grievances, or those of his community. That which we gathered from him on these topics, was related more in the form of historical detail, than as matters which so materially concerned himself and connexions.

Our conversation was held generally in French; sometimes we addressed him in English, which he understood, but did not speak; but when I engrossed his discourse to myself, we spoke in Latin, as being the language in which we could not mistake each other, and affording the most certain medium of communication upon ecclesiastical subjects, where I was anxious to ascertain facts with precision. Nothing could be more choice or classical than his selection of words; and I was not more surprised by his fluency of diction, than by the extraordinary felicity with which he applied whole sentences from ancient poets, and even prose authors, to convey his sentiments. One or two of these I remember. In reply to an observation made by me, that if the state of the Vaudois church were sufficiently known, the English government might probably be induced to restore the pensions which were formerly given to the clergy, and withheld since the year 1797, he clasped his hands together, and thus expressed his hope that he might live long enough to see it:

Oh mihi tam longæ maneat pars ultima vitæ,
Spiritus.'

I VIRG. Ecl. iv. 53.

When I asked some questions on the subject of the lands, which were appropriated by the late imperial government to the Protestant clergy, but have since been sequestered in favor of the Bishop of Pinerolo: he said it was true, that he and his brethren had been reduced to extreme poverty by this arrangement, which was totally unexpected, because it was hoped that the acts of the late government would not be rescinded, in so far as they regarded such equitable provisions. He spoke without any asperity, and mildly added:

Vivi pervenimus, advena nostri,

Quod nunquam veriti sumus, ut possessor agelli
Diceret hæc mea sunt; veteres migrate coloni.
Nunc victi, tristes, quoniam Fors omnia versat.'

The manner in which he pronounced the last words was particularly moving; he dwelt upon the words veteres and tristes, as being peculiarly applicable to his own case, deprived, as he had been in his old age, of what would have constituted his maintenance and comfort.

M. Peyrani spoke with so much rapidity, and his thoughts followed each other in such quick succession, that he never suffered himself to be at a loss for words. If the Latin term did not immediately occur to him, he made no pause, but instantly supplied its place by a French or Italian phrase. This animation of manner had such an effect upon his whole frame, that very soon after we began to converse with him, the wrinkles seemed to fall from his brow, a hectic color succeeded to the pallidness of his countenance, and the feeble and stooping figure which first stood before us, elevated itself by degrees, and acquired new strength and energy. In fact, while he was favoring me with a short history of himself, I might have forgotten that he had exceeded the usual limits of man's short span; and I must repeat, that it is impossible to admire sufficiently the Christian character of the individual, or of the church which he represented, when I recollect the meek resignation with which he submitted to his hard fate, and the forbearance he exhibited, whenever his remarks led him to talk of the vexatious and oppressive proceedings, which have never ceased to mark the line of conduct pursued by the Sardinian government, in regard to the churches of the Waldenses.

It was with extreme regret we witnessed the approach of the hour, which told us we must take leave of the venerable Peyrani. The good humour, cheerfulness, and resignation of the old man, his perfect recollection of events and conversations which took place years ago, his pro found erudition and general information, lent a deep and peculiar interest to his discourse. My young companions were riveted with attention. He appeared to them like a being of a different order to what they had been used to see all that they heard and saw had more the air of romance than reality. The little window of the room opened upon the wild mountain scenery of Pomaretto; the roar of the distant torrents was heard through the casement; and the impression of the whole scene was so much the greater from the contrast between the elevated char racter of the noble old man, and the circumstances in which he was placed. Poverty within, and desolation without, formed a dark and

1 VIRG. Eel. ix. 2.'

striking back-ground to the portrait of the philosophic minister, whose lips teemed with eloquence, and whose mind was stored with all the riches of the most intellectual society. The looks of my friends, as they wandered from the window to the moderator, sufficiently told me what was passing within their breasts; and they did not escape the notice of M. Vertu, who watched with an inquiring eye, to observe what impression the aged moderator of his church would make upon the strangers. Holding him in the utmost reverence himself, he was all anxiety that we should do the same; and could not disguise his feelings of delight at every mark of respect, which we paid to the sacred representative of this primitive Christian community.

The seven following chapters contain the sequel of the excursion, interwoven with references to the former history of this remarkable community, and with traditionary tales illustrative of the martial spirit displayed by them, whenever their religious independence has been threatened. These digressions from the immediate topics of a personal narrative are so managed, as not to interrupt the continuity of it, and are principally admitted in the shape of conversations held with the natives, or of legendary anecdotes associated with the scenes that are explored. The twelfth chapter draws a parallel between Pagan mythology and Popish superstition, which must have cost the author many a weary hour of indefatigable research; and the thirteenth or last, after entering into general observations to show, that the Waldeuses of Piemont maintained the primitive faith uncorrupt, while the Albigenses, or those sects of other countries who were called Waldenses, were forced by adverse circumstances to depart from it, concludes with an appeal to the justice and generosity of the British nation to render that pecuniary assistance to this aggrieved and suffering community, which our forefathers were never backward in supplying.

The Appendix occupies a large proportion of the volume, but is very essential to the work, as making it a more complete book of reference, than tourists' volumes usually are. Some of the documents are as curious, as they are new, even to the more erudite order of readers. Indeed, whether we consider the amusement or instruction contained in this work, we think it deserving a place on the shelves of private as well as public libraries.

The Latin letters of Cromwell, addressed to the Potentates of Europe in 1665, which are given in Appendix No. 8, will be read with great interest, not only as displaying the spirit and earnestness with which the Protector espoused the cause of this oppressed people, but as being the composition of the Poet Milton. We select one of them with the author's translation.

SECOND LETTER TO THE KING OF FRANCE.

Serenissime potentissimeque Rex,

Ex literis majestatis vestræ, quibus illa ad meas quinto et vigesimo Maii proximi datas rescribit, facile intelligo nequaquam fefellisse me eam opinionem, qua mihi quidem persuasum erat, cædes illas immanissimas, barbaramque eorum hominum stragem, qui Religionem Reformatam in Sabaudia profitentur, a cohortibus quibusdam vestris factam, neque jussu vestro neque mandato accidisse. Quæ quantum majestati vestræ displicuerit, id vos, et vestris militum tribunis, qui hæc tam inhumana suo solo impetu injussi perpetraverant, ita mature significasse, deque tanta crudelitate Ducem ipsum Sabaudiæ monuisse, pro reducendis denique istis miseris exulibus unde pulsi sunt, vestram omnem gratiam, necessitudinem, authoritatem tanta cum fide atque humanitate interposuisse, majorem equidem in modum sum lætatus. Ea nempe spes erat, illum principem voluntati ac precibus majestatis vestræ aliquid saltem hac in re fuisse concessurum. Verum cum neque vestro, neque aliorum principum rogatu atque instantia in miserorum causa quicquam esse impetratum perspiciam, haud alienuin ab officio meo duxi, ut hunc nobilem virum extraordinarii nostri commissarii munere instructum ad Allobrogum Ducem mitterem; qui tantæ crudelitatis in ejusdem nobiscum religionis cultores, idque ipsius religionis odio adhibitæ quo sensu afficiar, uberius eidem exponat. Atque hujus quidem legationis eo feliciorem exitum speravero, si adhibere denuo et adhuc majore cum instantia suam auctoritatem atque operam majestati vestræ placuerit; et quemadmodum fideles fore illos inopes dictoque audientes principi suo ipsa in se recepit, ita velit eorundem incolumitati atque saluti cavere, ne quid iis hujusmodi injuriæ et calamitatis atrocissimæ innocentibus et pacatis deinceps inferatur. Hoc, cum in se justum ac vere regium sit, nec non benignitati vestræ atque clementiæ, quæ tot subditos vestro eandem illam religionem sequentes ubique salvos et incolumes præstat, summe consentaneum, a majestate vestra, ut par est, non possumus quin expectemus. Quæ hac simul opera, cum universos per sua regna Protestantes, quorum studium erga vos summaque fides maximis in rebus perspecta jam sæpe et cognita est, arctius sibi devinxerit, tum exteris etiam omnibus persuasum reddiderit, nihil ad hoc facinus contulisse regis consilium, quicquid ministri regii atque præfecti contulerunt. Præsertim si majestas vestra pænas ab iis ducibus ac ministris debitas repetiverit, qui auctoritate propria, suaque pro libidine tam immania patrare scelera sunt ausi. Interea cum majestas vestra factum hoc inhumanissimum, quo dignum est odio, aversari se testetur, non dubito quin miseris illis atque ærumnosis ad vos confugientibus, tutissimum in regno suo receptum atque perfugium sit præbitura; nec subditorum suorum cuiquam, ut contra eos Duci Allobrogum auxilio adsit, permissura. Extremum illud est, ut majestatem vestram, quanti apud me sua amicitia sit, certiorem faciam: cujus rei neque fidem neque fructum ullo tempore defuturum confirmo.

Dat. ex aula nostra Westmonasterii, 31 Julii, 1655.

Translation.

Most serene and most potent King,

I am happy to understand, from your majesty's letter, in answer to