for a foreigner, and a Protestant, to argue with the Papal advocates on such questions, as the latter start from principles which the former does not admit. The Papal Government is, in principle, even more than in practice, unlike any other government in Europe. But whatever may be thought of these refused innovations, "which," Prince Metternich says, "being out of the sphere of administrative ameliorations, related essentially to the form of the Papal Government, and tended to create a new power in the State," there remains another and a most serious charge against the Papal Government, namely, that of having, after repeated promises, disappointed its subjects, even in those administrative ameliorations; on which Prince Metternich himself says, "it was allowable, on the part of the allies, to give advice to his Holiness." Mr. Seymour positively states that, after a lapse of above fourteen months since the memorandum of 21st May, 1831, was transmitted to Cardinal Bernetti, with the joint consent of the Ministers of the five powers, "not one of the recommendations which it contains has been fully adopted and carried into execution by the Papal Government; for even the edicts which have been either prepared or published, and which profess to carry some of these recommendations into effect, differ essentially from the measures recommended in the memorandum." And Prince Metternich, in his note of last July, while assuming the defence of the Pontifical Government, and saying, that "most of the objects recommended in the memorandum were accomplished on its part," ends by repeated and earnest declarations, that the Austrian Government "has not ceased to urge in the most pressing manner the Sovereign Pontiff not only to maintain in complete execution the legislative dispositions already published, but also to give to those dispositions a character of stability beyond the risk of future changes, without preventing useful improvements. And the interest which Austria feels in wishing all just subjects of discontent in the Pontifical States to be put an end to, has not stopped here. The most earnest recommendations for the establishment of the best possible order in the different branches of the administration have not been spared to the Roman Government, and experienced Austrian functionaries, well acquainted with Italy, were placed at its disposal, in order to aid in introducing all practicable ameliorations, &c." No other evidence than this is required to convince us that the Papal Government had not shown, at the date of this note, any great eagerness to fulfil its task. The tone and texture of the above passage seem to express that the patience of the Austrian Cabinet has been severely tried by the shuffling equivocations, the unconquerable dilatoriness, the incapacity, or the provoking obstinacy of its Roman protégés.

In fact, what ameliorations have been effected? Not to mention the urgent, yet unaccomplished reform of the whole financial system, which is in a state of most serious embarrassment, the principal outcry in the Papal States is about the judicial courts: justice, equal, prompt, and cheap justice, is the great want of the people : an intelligible and permanent code of laws, such, at least, as Tuscany, Naples, and Lombardy possess. But the patch-work reforms promulgated at Rome last year have not effected this. They seem only to have added to the confusion that already existed in the Roman judicature. The multiplicity of appeals, the interference of the ecclesiastical courts and mixed jurisdictions, the censorial power of the Cardinal Vicar, and his court and agents on domestic matters,-these have been retained. Another essential grievance is the disqualification of lay persons for the higher offices of state. The Papal Government might surely open the door to office and emolument for its lay subjects, together at least with its clerical ones, without endangering its own supremacy.

The plea which is urged by the Pontifical Government, and echoed in its behalf by the Austrian Minister for refusing the two constitutional points, namely, that "concessions of that nature were, even in the eyes of the malcontents, but arms wherewith to attack on the first opportunity the Papal Government, whose very existence they wished to destroy," cannot hold good with regard to the administrative, judicial, and financial ameliorations, which would, on the contrary, remove the tangible grounds of discontent, which alone render the faction alluded to formidable. That there is in the Romagna, as well as in other Italian States, and indeed in most countries of Europe, a set of men* whom no concession can ever satisfy, no experience reclaim,-men who spurn alike the dictates of prudence and justice, who defile the fair name of liberty by using it as a watchword for the foulest passions, who aim at the destruction, not only of all monarchies, but of society itself as at present constituted over Europe, it would be affectation or extreme simplicity to deny; the parties themselves no longer covet mystery; they have for the last two years proclaimed their sentiments to the world wherever the press has been open to them. We readily subscribe to Count Lutzow's proposition, if confined to this class, that they have not effected any thing hitherto for "the happiness of the people :" a phrase which is often on their lips: we are convinced they never will; and, moreover, we believe that, except a few hallucinated enthusiasts

The minutes of the trial of the conspirators of Macerata in 1817-8, which were published at Rome at the time, disclose circumstances of the greatest atrocity. The conspiracy extended even then over Bologna, Romagna, and the Marches. The secret societies in Apulia about the same epoch furnish also features equally revolting.

among them, they care as little about the happiness of the people as the Janizaries did when they revolted against the Sultan, or the prætorian bands, when they slew the Cæsars. But the very knowledge of the existence of such men ought to be an additional motive to the Papal Government for effecting, by timely reforms, a separation between this "dangerous faction and a much larger and more reasonable portion of the Roman population, who would thus become bound by fresh ties to their sovereign, while the other would be rendered powerless by the extravagance of its demands." We here agree with Mr. Seymour, whose words we have borrowed. Whatever influence the revolutionary propagandists may at times seem to possess in some countries of Europe, depends mainly on the more judicious and better thinking part of the community being thrown by real grievances on the same side with them. Grant these satisfaction, and they will spurn the absurd cry of republicanism. A republic in the Romagna in our days!* The scenes of 1797-8, over again, and no Bonaparte at hand to remedy, by the ascendancy of his stern will, the blunders of the would-be republicans! No:-the Italians, those at least whose opinion is worth any thing, are too shrewd, have had too much experience, to lend themselves again to the delusion. The humbler classes, the rural population especially— and Italy is an agricultural country-are neither infidels nor jacobins. It is because we know this,-because we are convinced that the Papal Government could not be overthrown without lighting a blaze all over Italy, which would spread to other countries, because we reflect that thousands and tens of thousands of families yet live peaceably under the Papal sway, whose happiness would be endangered by a violent convulsion,-because we feel for the safety of that noble city, whose name is to us all as one of common kindred,-because, as has been shown in the above pages, "all is not barren" there, even in the present condition of the country, because the Papal hierarchy, with all its faults, has acquired at various periods of history claims on the gratitude of Italy and of Europe, and has produced down to the present times, many excellent and distinguished individuals,-it is for all these reasons that we express our humble but anxious wishes that the Court of Rome may yet, while it is time, remove, by a resolute and ample course of improvement, all just subjects of complaint on the part of its subjects of the Legations, and with them the dangers that threaten again the whole of that fine division of Italy over which it rules.

We have seen an Antologia Republicana, published at Bologna last year, consisting chiefly of reprints of poems, written by Gianni, Ceroni, Scevola, Monti, 35 years since, in the heyday of republicanism, in praise of liberty and Bonaparte! Monti's impre. catory sonnet against England is among the number.

ART. III. Reliquien von Albrecht Dürer, seinen Verehrern geweiht. Taschenbuch für Deutschland's Kunstfreunde, zu Albrecht Dürer's dritter Secular-feier. (Relics of Albert Durer, dedicated to his Admirers. A Pocket-book for the lovers of German Art, on occasion of his third Centenary Celebration.) Nürnberg, 1828. 18mo.

We have repeatedly had occasion to allude to the spirit of nationality that, almost within our memory, has sprung up in various parts of Europe, displaying itself in the search after, and veneration of, those national antiquities which the affected classicism and refinement of the eighteenth century abhorred as barbarous and gothic:-two words, by the way, then used as synonimous. We have upon those occasions discussed some of the various lines in which this spirit of nationality, according to the various inclinations of the individuals it influences, exerts itself, especially those of history, legal institutions, customs and usages, and literature; but the subject is far from exhausted, and we now wish to invite attention to one of those lines yet untouched by us, namely, the Fine Arts.

The reasonableness or unreasonableness of the well nigh exclusive enthusiasm of Dr. Waagen, Johanna Schopenhauer, &c. &c. &c. for the Old German and Low-Country Masters, is a question that we do not intend to moot. We have no mind to expose ourselves either to the stiletto of Italy, or to the transcendental disdain of Germany; no, nor even to the ineffable contempt of English cognoscenti, by involving ourselves in the controversy, let alone emitting an opinion, upon the relative merits of the Italian and German Schools; which, moreover, being altogether a matter of taste, we are at full liberty to leave undecided and unargued, according to the old non-disputandum adage. But we should not hold the duties we have undertaken to be duly discharged, did we not afford our readers the means of estimating the impassioned admiration, the reverential love now felt in Germany for what is deemed the especial German School, and for the Old German and Netherland Painters. We therefore gladly embrace the opportunity of so doing, offered by the little volume now before us, which, though it bears the date of 1828, has but lately fallen in our way.

These "Relics of Albert Durer" are published in the form of an Annual; and as such it might have escaped our notice, or seemed only fit to be thrown in with a whole batch of its fellows. But this Nuremberg Taschenbuch is entitled to a different degree of respect, both from the high interest every where attached to the name of Albert Durer, and from its appearing almost in the

light of a monument raised to his honour, by the venerable and, to our fancy, beautiful old city, which still glories in her artist's fame, and sedulously preserves every memorial of his former presence, every indication of his being her own. But ere we proceed to examine the Relics themselves, we must say a few words touching both the early cultivation and condition of the arts amongst our Teutonic kindred, and the rise of the existing passion for the Old German school of painting: two matters so blended together that they must perforce be treated conjointly.

The taste for the old masters seems to have originally manifested itself under the collecting form, and we believe the best gallery of their works extant is that which was the first begun, collected by two gentlemen of the name of Boisserée, and which long remained the property of them and their friend M. Bertram. The brothers Boisserée were merchants, who did not suffer their pursuit of wealth to induce neglect of mental culture. During the dispersion, consequent upon the French conquests, of all such church and convent works of art as were not seized for the Louvre Gallery, the Boisserées, in the way of business, picked up cheap some old German and Flemish paintings. Their taste and fancy were touched by their acquisition. The cleaning and reparations requisite for a profitable re-sale, heightened their sense of the merit of their purchases; and they gradually conceived so ardent a passion for the long-neglected early Flemish and German artists, that from a casual picture-dealing transaction, they became the most enlightened and the most indefatigably zealous collectors. Their labours and exertions have been crowned with success, and their gallery, now, we believe, after a first transference from Heidelberg to Stuttgard, purchased by the King of Bavaria, and permanently fixed at Schleissheim, is said to be unrivalled. It is entirely composed of the works of the Old German and Low Country artists, and if it does not contain all their masterpieces, possesses specimens of all their excellencies, and by its judicious selection and arrangement is calculated to delight those amateurs who sympathize with its collectors, to gratify those who "for several virtues" " love several" schools and several artists, and to afford the student of the history or the science of painting the happiest possible field for prosecuting his inquiries. Messrs. Boisserée have rendered a farther service to the arts by the publication of a series of admirably executed lithograph copies, finely coloured,* of the originals of which this Gallery is composed,

The title of this splendid work is Die Sammlung Alt Nieder und Ober-Deutscher Gemälde, der Brüder Boisserée und Bertram, lithographirt von T. N. Strixner. (The Collection of Old Low and High German Pictures, of the Brothers Boisserée and Bertram, lithographed by T. N. Strixner.)