On the 28th of November, the ufual committee was appointed, to inquire what laws were expired, or near expiring, and to report their opinion which of them were fit to be revived, or continued. In purfuance of their report, which was made Dec. 19. a bill was brought in for continuing the act 6o Geo. II for the better fecuring and encouraging the trade of his Majefty's fugar-colonies in America; which paffed both houfes in course, and received the royal affent on the 3d of March. But why the act, after fuch a long trial, fhould not have been made perpetual, I confefs I cannot fuggeft to myself any one reafon: for I cannot think that it will ever be defignedly left to expire; and the best way to prevent its being, by any overfight, left to expire, would be to make it perpetual.

The act chiefly confifts of the following claufes. Claufe 1. Impofes a duty of 9 d. per gallon, on all rum or fpirits; 6d. per gallon, on all molaffes, or fyrups; and 5s. per hundred weight, on all fugars or paneles, of foreign produce, imported in to any of our plantations in America.2. Prohibits the importation of them into Ireland, unlefs from G. Britain.-3. Enacts, That in cafe any fugar or paneles, of the produce of his Majefty's colonies, fhall be again exported, within one year after their importation into G. Britain; upon due proof of the payment of the duties, the refidue of the duty fhall be repaid within one month.-4. Gives a draw back, or bounty, of 6s. per hundred weight, upon the exportation of fugar refined in G. Britain, from fugars imported from our plantations, that had paid the duties.

These are the chief clauses of the act; and the first two were enacted for putting fome ftop at least to a grievance then loudly, and most juftly, complained of by our fugar colonies. The grievance arofe from the trade carried on between the French fugar-colonies and Ireland, and between them and our plantations upon the continent of America: for though, by a general law, no foreign veffel can carry on trade at any of the French ports in America; yet the French governors have orders, not only to connive at, but even to encourage, every fort of foreign trade, that may be beneficial to the inhabitants, without being detrimental to the mothercountry. In confequence of these orders, floops were every day arriving at the French fugar-colonies, from our plantations, and several fhips were every year arriving from Ireland. The former

brought them lumber of all forts, for ing or repairing their houfes and f works, and alfo feveral forts of p fions; and the latter brought them i beef, pork, butter, and cheese. took their rum and molasses in excha and as the French planters had no market to go to, they fold their rum molaffes fo cheap, and in such quant to these interlopers, that no rum or laffes of our own fugar-colonies could a vent in Ireland, or in our plantati on the contrary, it was become ufua the floops of our plantations, emplov carry a cargo of provifions and lumb our own fugar-islands, to dispose of cargo there for ready money, and to from thence to the French fugar-ifla where they employed that money in purchale of rum and molaffes, with w they returned to their own plantat Nor could we blame the people of plantations for fo doing; for it is fuc established maxim in trade, to buy w cheapest and fell where deareft, that can no more expect that a merchant voluntarily purchase the produce or ma facture of his own country, if he can chafe the fame fort of produce or ma facture, and equally good, at a much che er rate, in a foreign country, than we expect that a landholder would volun rily pay four fhillings in the pound la tax, when the reft of his countrymen but two.

But the loss our fugar-iflands fuffe by thus having a ftop put to the fal their rum and molafies, in two fuch e fiderable parts of the British dominic was not the only one they and the nat in general were expofed to by this pr tice. Every one who knows any thing the fugar-trade, must know, that whe fugar-planter can fell his rum and mola at any price, he may fell his fugars lower price than it would be poflible him to do, could he find no market his rum and molaffes; and that the m he can make of the latter, the less pr he may require for the former. Now, French fugar-planters can find no mar for their rum or molaffes but in the tifh dominions; because in all other pa of the world brandies are fold fo che that little if any use is ever made of ru confequently, were they excluded fr that market, they could not fell their gars fo cheap as they do: but by the dy fale they found in the British dominic for their rum and molaffes, and by

perior fertility of their grounds, most of being but lately broken up, they were abled to fell their fugars at a lower price than it was poffible for our fugar-planters Bafford to fell theirs at, and by this means the French fugars came fo cheap to France, ad in fuch large quantities, that even efore the year 1734, the French not ly fupplied their own confumption, but ad by their exportations in a great meatre beat us out of every fugar-market in Jurope, except that of this island alone. In thele circumstances, one may perps be furprised, that we did not by this I put our plantations upon the fame boting with Ireland, by entirely prohiiting the importation of foreign fugars, um, and molafles, into the former, as :well as the latter. But this would have aid the French under a neceffity, and likewife furnished them with a power, to encourage, improve, and extend, as fast as pothble, their infant-fettlements upon the Millilippi, in order to be able in a few pears to furnish their fugar-colonies from thence, with all the lumber and provisions they could have occafion for. This it was our interefl to prevent; and therefore our parliament very wifely refolved, not to put an absolute end to this interloping trade between our plantations and the Freach fugar-iflands, but to lay fuch dudes upon fugars, rum, and molafles im4 ported into the former from the latter, as might put our own fugar-colonies, at least pon an equal footing with the French. And if all clandeftine trade could have been prevented, it would probably have had this effect: but we have fuch an extenfive coaft upon the continent of North America, and fo few officers, that I very ach doubt if the duties impofed by par liment have often been duly paid; and confequently, I doubt if this falutary law has had its full effect. Yet ftill it muft have had fome effect for a fimuggler aft have an higher profit upon goods he clandeftinely imports, than he could exet were he to import thofe goods openand fairly without paying any duty; therefore, whilft the French and we are vals in the fugar-trade, which we are kely to continue to be, thefe two claus of this aft must be continued in force. Then as to the two other claufes of this act, they are both defigned, and are both neceffary, for encouraging our expertation of fugar, and for enabling our planters to increase their plantations of gar; which they never can do, if they

cannot fell their produce, at what is called a living price, any where but in Bri tain and Ireland. This third clause must therefore be always continued in force. It would even be proper, by an amendment, to render it more convenient and beneficial for the merchant. A year is certainly too fhort a time to be allowed for exportation. Our merchants ought to be allowed fufficient time to wait for a turn in the foreign markets; and it is certain that a lucky turn may happen in two or three years, that may not happen in one; and when it does happen, they may not have any fufficient quantity of fugars on hand, but what has been imported a bove a year. For the fame reafon I wish it could be established as a general rule, That no duties fhould be paid upon fugars, or indeed upon any imported goods that have a chance for being afterwards exported, until delivered by the merchant to the retailer for home confumption. Such a regulation could hardly fail of giving us foon a fhare in the carrying trade of Europe; for our situation is fo conve nient between the north and the fouth, as well as between the east and the west parts of Europe, and we have fuch a number of safe ports and harbours, that nothing but our high duties payable upon importation, could have prevented our ac quiring a confiderable share in that trade, as foon as we began to turn our minds to the arts of peace, and to form right notions about the bufinefs of commerce; and the carrying-trade is of all others one of the most fruitful in producing and maintaining a numerous race of hardy and expert failors, accustomed to all climates, and acquainted with all parts of the ccean.

If then it be our interest to encourage the exportation of our fugars, furely it is ftill more our intereft to encourage that exportation, when our fugars are brought to their utmost perfection by refining. For this purpose the 4th claufe of this aft was defigned; and I hope the bounty thereby given is fufficient for anfwering the purpose: but this I am in fome doubt of, as it depends upon the quantity of brown or mulcovado fugars neceflarily confumed in baking any quantity of our double-refined, and this I must suppose to be at least double; which fuppofition I make upon the authority of the poundage-act, of the 21st of the late reign [x. 94.]. By that act a new duty of 5 1. per cent. according to the value in the L 3 book

book of rates, was impofed upon all goods imported, to be drawn back upon exportation, which duty confequently amounted to 1 s. 6 d. per hundred weight upon brown or muscovado fugars of the British plantations; and in the act there is a claufe for allowing a bounty of 3 s. per hundred weight, upon all fuch fugars imported after the act took place, and after wards refined in G. Britain and exported, to be paid to the exporter over and above the then present bounties; from whence it appears, that two hundred weight of brown or mufcovado fugars was by parliament reckoned to be confumed, upon an average, in producing one hundred weight refined; and if this be fo, we must conclude, that the bounty of 6 s. per hundred weight before allowed by the claufe now under confideration, was not fufficient; as it appears by Crouch's view of the British customs, that the duties then payable upon British brown or muscovado fugars amounted to very near 3 s. 4 d. halfpenny per hundred weight. This may be a good reafon for amending this claufe, by adding at least 9 d. per hundred weight to the bounties now payable upon British refined fugars exported; but it can never be a reason for allowing this clause to expire. And thus, from every one of the chief claufes of the act, we must conclude, that whilst our circumstances continue to be the fame, we can never defignedly allow it to expire; and that an accidental expiration, but for fix months, would be attended with great confusion in our fugar-trade. Why then fhould it continue to be made temporary?

The mutiny and marine bills fall next to be mentioned. The former was moved for Nov. 29. was prefented by Mr Thomas Gore, Dec. 1. and received the royal affent Dec. 23. The latter was moved for Dec. 4. was prefented by Mr Clevland Dec. 9. and received the royal affent Jan. 20.- Thefe two bills pafs annually in common form, and without oppofition, when nothing new or extraordinary is attempted to be brought into either of them, which was the cafe upon this occa fion. They probably will continue to be paffed annually, as we can never now be without a ftanding army; and I hope we shall never hereafter allow ourselves, even in time of peace, to be without a body of marines duly exercifed at fea as well as land.

Mr Vice-Chamberlain prefented to the Cammens, Dec. 3. the following royal

[To be continued.]

From the MONITOR, Feb. 6. THE change in the political system

the house of Auftria; whofe very e istence almost had heretofore been a lowed to depend upon her engagement with England, and on their confederat oppofition to the perfidious meafur of the house of Bourbon, gives a furiking inftance of the implacab temper of a female fovereign, actuate with a fpirit of hatred and revenge whereby the deferts her friends, facrif ceth her real interest, and, with all he power, contributes towards raifing h natural and most powerful enemy to fu a pitch of power, as would enable him turn his arms against herself, and to ex tirpate her family.-Thole countrie which coft Britain fo much blood an treafure, to fecure them for a barrier her dominions, and to Germany, again the incroachments of France, have bee inconfiderately left to the mercy of th Gallic monarch; and his armies invite into the bowels of Germany, to crush th allies of her beft and most powerful an faithful friend.

The bringing of the Ruffians by th fame confederacy, to make an establi ment in Germany, at the expence of th house of Brandenburg, is a change lefs unaccountable; as it must be grant ed, that every. power that establishet itself in Germany, with a force capabl to difpute the fuperiority with the hou of Auftria, has always and very wife

bed

hen oppofed by that house and her albecause fuch an establishment will aturally increase the danger of the bale of Austria: for it is more than proble, that fuch an empire as Ruffia uld find more refources in itfelf to maintain a war for conquests, than Autria; and would scarce reft contented with less than the fupreme power in Germany. This the houfe of Auftria nce faw, in the measures taken by a King of Sweden, in the last century: and therefore it is a matter of great fur rife, to find the very contrary politics dopted by the fame houfe at this time. The Empire, which was ever tenacious its rights, and abhorrent of the intrigues and incroachments of France up. on her borders; and ought never to forget the perfidious behaviour of Lewis XIV. to gain an easy entrance into her heart, by feizing Strasburg in the time of a pretended peace; makes the German eagle ftoop to the Gallic cock; and, in defiance of right, justice, and the conftitations of the Germanic body, authorifes a French army to enter, plunder, and lay wafte principalities and electo rates under its fovereignty; and proceeds against them as enemies and rebels, for to other reafon than ftanding upon their ewa defence, against the invaders of their liberty and property. Certainly this was not the policy of that fupreme dominion, when lately the house of Aufria was again exalted to the Imperial ignity, by the fpecial friendship and afStance of G. Britain, and of thofe her alies, who are now thus ungratefully teated. Did the Imperial dignity take mbrage at the increasing power of Pruffa or Hanover? How fhall thefe fears be bated by admitting, and inviting one, ready more powerful than the Roman Emperor, to eat up thofe objects of his jealoufy, when their destruction must increase his danger.

Thus, in a fhort hiftory, we have the moft unforeseen incidents and ftrangest revolutions in politics: France and G. Britain in league to pull down Spain, by Oliver Cromwell: Spain and G. Britain, Holland and the house of Auftria, &c. tonfederate to pull down France: and Bow most of thefe nations and people, with their allies, contriving every means, and ftretching every finew of their frength, to pull down G. Britain, and to aggrandize the house of Bourbon!

However, it is well for the world that

thole changes in the political state of the univerfe are the effect of perishable, inconftant, and corrupt man. For, how near foever these measures, concerted between the enemies of G. Britain, and between the allies of France, feem to threaten G. Britain, and, in her fate, the liberties of Europe, and the Proteftant interest, with ruin; a death, or a premature or unguarded act of fome one ally in the confederacy against us, or fome view of private advantage to certain of the contracting parties, may divert the ftorm, prevent the intended mifchief, and perhaps bring the politics of Auftria, the Empire, and Ruffia, into their former and most natural channel.

Death hath already prepared the way for this conjecture, on the part of Ruffia. The Czarina is dead: her paflions no longer prefide in the councils of Peterfburg. A Czar is placed on the throne of Ruflia, whofe temper is pacific, and content with the dominion of his own inheritance; in which, he has often declared, a prince may find fufficient employment for his men and treafure, to cultivate the land, to erect manufactures, to preserve internal tranquillity, and to make himfelf refpectable abroad. - A prince, thus formed for rule, can fcarce be thought fo imprudent, as to deprive his fubjects and himself of conftitutional advantages, by pursuing the precarious politics of feeking new acquifitions, that muft rather ferve to exhauft, than to enrich his country; must create him enemies, and require more to garrifon and to preferve his conqueft from furprise, than it is worth.-Should this be the cafe, we have great reason to expect the recall of the Rulian armies from Germany. An event that would be attended with many furprising incidents. Sweden would no longer dare to appear in the field against Pruffia. Pomerania would return to its fovereign. The King of Pruffia would be at liberty to turn his whole force against the Auftrians. And, if this would not be fufficient to incline the Emprefs-Queen to compromise matters with that King, the difcovery made by the British minifter during the negotiations of peace, concerning the fecret treaty between France and Spain, may be found decifive, in her councils, for a determination to return to the friendship and aid of G. Britain.

Time bringeth forth many furprising events. When Auftria fhall be made fenfible,

fenfible, that France was dragging her forward deeply in a bloody and ruinous war, to weaken her ftrength, to impoverish her finances, to ruin her intereft, and to cut her connections with G. Britain quite off; and further informed, that the house of Bourbon (which had torn from her family the precious jewel of the Spanish monarchy, and was not yet content with the feveral territories they had got poffeffion of in Italy, in prejudice to her right) had kindled and kept this war on foot, to favour the scheme of universal monarchy, contrived and planned in their family compact; it is more than a probability, that we may foon fee the grand alliance renewed, and the arms of Auftria, the Empire, Pruflia, G. Britain, &c. united to defend themselves and the public liberty, from the pernicious effects of that familytreaty.

So that, as thefe extraordinary changes in the political state of the world convince us, that there is nothing binding and permanent amongst princes; that paffion and private intereft are the chief movers in all their actions; that no treaties are fufficient to ascertain how far any potentate is obliged to proceed with his ally; and that all engagements and leagues are forced to yield to neceffity: let us wait with a little patience, and it is probable, that the King of Sardinia may be provoked by the pertnefs of Don Philip, to drive him out of Parma and Placentia; that the Italian princes and states may think it the best policy to extirpate the Bourbon family out of the kingdom of the Two Sicilies; that Auftria and Germany may be convinced, that their territories can never be fafe, till the power of France be reduced on the fide of the Rhine; and that there ean be no balance of power maintained in Europe, without the alliance of G. Britain.

Let us therefore look upon this prefent conjuncture, as the crifis, when affairs are brought to that país, that France and her allies must either destroy the liberties of Europe, and raife the house of Bourbon to univerfal monarchy; or the house of Auftria, and the rest of the former grand alliance, muft join G. Britain in a war, to difable that ambitious, restlefs, and perfidious family, from ever more attempting to forge fetters for thofe that are not connected with them by ties of blood and religion: and let us concur

with, and promote every counfel measure for bringing about fo hap change in the political fystem of Eu and for preventing the fatal effects o Bourbon treaty.

Arguments relating to a Scots militia.
SIR,

WIth humble fubmiffion to the ge

men who have written either f against the militia, I think that bot fo intent on making the most of thei guments where they are the ftron that they forget to dwell fufficientl the points on which undetermined candid people most need information

It may be true, in favour of a mil that the diftinction between a people ed and unarmed, is not only mortif at present, but may in worse time fraught with confequences of the dangerous and fatal effect.-But how we, in the prefent depopulated ftat the country, think of a reinedy whic far exceeds our strength to bear?

It may be likewife true, against a litia, that national defence is always article of national charge, and alw fome interruption to the arts of indust and that a militia, in particular, is only a national expence, but may be tended too with some incidental cha to the parishes in which militia-men lea poor families behind them, when th are called out to defend their count and that the labour and manufacture whi fuch men practifed must stand still wh they are called out to learn their exerci or oppose an enemy. But I fee lit force in this argument against a milit unless it could be proved, that the stan ing army is no expence to the nation; th the poor which a foldier leaves behind h are not maintained by the parish; or th labour is lefs interrupted by the total moval or banishment of a labourer for! whole life, than it is by the cafual inte ruption of a fettled tradefman's work,

All this I am ready to own on one and the other; and will go fo far in vour of militia, as to fay, that where t word national danger is mentioned, th point fhould be difcuffed before we lift to frivolous confiderations of petty inte eft and conveniency. But where the blo and vitals of a country have been fuck and torn out, I think we fhould, if pe fible, look out for healing and reftori charms, if there be any fuch, before think of new efforts of ftrength and