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of his cause, whereon Mr. Piatt, being an older man, and newly married and not caring to be bothered with youngsters, like Roosevelt and Odell, was somewhat irritated, if not disgusted with the persistent efforts of the President to fix everything and everybody sure for himself, did not treat the reporters with his usual kindliness, so that said gentlemen the next day represented that Piatt had been knocked out and completely routed by the youngsters aforesaid.

Two days after this little boxing match, two against one, in the prize ring at the Capitol, the reporters got their senses again, and reported an interview between Hanna and Piatt in New York and reported that Piatt had not been knocked out at all; that nobody had been hurt, that harmony existed between Piatt and Odell, that Hanna had resolved to stand by the New York easy boss, that, in short, both of these venerable statesmen were heartily sick of Roosevelt's anxiety about the next presidency; that, of course, Roosevelt would be the presidential candidate, etc., etc., but the net outcome of it all was what the Globe has predicted long ago, namely, that Hanna and Piatt were pledged to work together against any and all comers who tried to interfere with the management of their respective States. "Let the other fellow do the swearing off in future." Meanwhile certain United States Senators, in the Senate chamber were asserting that the Executive was invading the legislative rights of Congress and playing sort of universal boss of all things; meanwhile again the President's special pet, Major General Wood, ex-country doctor, ex-governorgeneral of Cuba; now general in the Philippines, was being tried on all sorts of charges brought mainly by one of Hanna's underlings, the condemned Rathbone, and at this writing, Dec. 4th, it looked very much as if Rathbone would knock out Wood, and as if Hanna would once more knock out Roosevelt or set him again in the President's chair on the ground of promises of good behavior.


During the months of October and November I had read many articles in English and American magazines and had made many newspaper clippings and had several times pulled my thinking cap down with a view of writing an article for this issue of the Globe on the Balfour-Chamberlain somersaults and financial pyrotechnics in Great Britain. But the newspaper habit of making most of home matters kept me pretty close to Roosevelt & Co., and the Balfour-Chamberlain article, and another excellent paper in defence of the "British Monarchy," by Dr. H. Fitzpatrick, will have to wait for the March issue. They will keep and be better for waiting a little longer. Meanwhile the O'Brien versus Dillon movement in and out of the British Parliament had projected itself across the ocean. The New York Literary Digest, of Dec. 5th, quoting from the Dublin Freeman's Journal and then briefly from Mr. O'Brien, thus puts the case in a nutshell:

"The fact that Mr. W. O'Brien announces his resignation, alike of his seat in Parliament and his membership of the Na^ tional Directory, will excite universal regret among the Nationalists of Ireland. The news will come with surprise on the people who had long learned to look to Mr. O'Brien for aid and guidance in the national struggle. It is no exaggeration to say that every thought and feeling of his youth and manhood, his eloquence, his energy, his strength, have been devoted to unfaltering service to the national movement. In the days of coercion his was ever the place of danger and of honor. To him among the greatest of his services the country mainly owes the reorganization of her forces and the unity of her party. That such a man should feel it necessary for any cause to drop out of the national movement must be a matter for great regret. But that regret, arising from the universal belief in the sincerity of his motives and the grateful remembrance of the length and magnitude of his services to the national cause, will be aggravated by the terms in which the announcement of his resignation has been conveyed to the world. The Freeman's Journal has differed with Mr. O'Brien on the important issue of the prices to be paid under the new Land Act On that subject we have not merely claimed a right, but performed a duty as chief organ of national opinion to offer advice, with the facts and arguments that enforced it, for the consideration of the

tenants of Ireland By loud professions and vague

promises the attempt was made to wheedle a ruinous price from the tenants. The demands were a violation of equity and good faith. They were an evil example of attempted extortion by those who should have exercised a moderating influence on their insensate brethren.'

"Mr. O'Brien's estimate of the attitude of The Freeman's Journal is totally different. He accuses it of having been an obstacle in the way of the passage of the Irish Land Act from the verybeginning. 'On more than one occasion,' it brought that bill 'to the very verge of destruction,' and as for himself Mr. O'Brien 'must decline to speculate as to the real design of The Freeman's extraordinary course of conduct.'"

Under an excellent portrait of Mr. O'Brien the Literary Digest also publishes the following significant paragraph: "Ireland 'unanimously sympathizes with the hope,' says the Dublin Freeman's Journal, 'that Mr. O'Brien will even yet withdraw his resignation' as a member of Parliament. 'But even should that hope fail .... there is no danger of even the slightest dissension in party or country.'"

Sorry to say that we have no such optimistic view of the case. All the history of Ireland is against such view of the case. If Irish history teaches anything it is that outside of their beautiful 1

loyalty to the Catholic Church Irishmen have always been and always will be especially loyal to individual leaders, and though this loyalty has had many set-backs, as seems always to be the case when an honest, emotional and enthusiastic people attach their hearts to any fallible man; still the Irish people do not soon or without due cause forsake the leaders of their own choosing, and oi these in the old years or the new, we do not know of one whose calmness, levelheadedness, goodness of heart and enthusiasm for justice have been superior to those of William O'Brien: and if he

quits a cause, the cause itself must be wrong. ******

We had intended to make a special Globe Note on the Rev. Mr. Gee's recent advocacy of a return to denominational and private schools, and upon the varied comments our American Catholic papers made on the same. Catholics too readily attach themselves to anything that, on the face of it, seems to favor the Catholic cause. It is useless and it is a folly. The American people are not without a thin substratum of reason and justice, but if you desire to reach and affect this you must not butt against their idolatries and try to tear down their idols. That only makes them angry and deposes their reason and what little sense of justice they may have. You all know how it is with ourselves.

Now if the Americans have any idol it is their public schools, and, for a crude unlettered democratic people I do not blame them. I have never favored or believed in our public schools. I have written against them and in favor of Catholic Parochial schools, and for long years have advocated an appeal to the thin stratum of justice in the hearts of Americans on the grounds that if Catholics, on religious grounds, feel that they cannot send their children and youth to our public schools and are determined to educate them in the principles of the Catholic religion as well as in reading, writing, arithmetic, etc., etc., an appeal to the American people for such portion of the school fund as will cover the expense of such education, the estimates being made without jobbery and being satisfactory to both sides and well brought before the proper American officials will eventually prevail. And I hold that we do not want to unite with other denominations who think themselves in similar shape and case with our own. As a matter of fact they are not in similar shape, and I hold that we as Catholics, should press our own case on the grounds indicated till by the justice of our claim and by our sheer persistence we have won. I have referred to the matter in my article on Church and State, in this issue.

The United States and her public schools are married for life, till death, for better, for worse, and the schools will go on spite all that Catholics can do to the contrary, and United States principles will grow worse and worse, and our manners will grow cruder as our principles decline and our conceits of a character we do not possess grow stronger until children despise their parents, and our

young men become our rulers and the stealers of other nations,

till the world-protest and the world-war ensues.

* * * * * ♦

In this connection it may be well to mention the fact that a socinian pastor hailing from Boston, of course, made himself somewhat notorious during the past three months by starting the senseless proposition that "religious journalism was played out," and ought to admit the fact and die. The poor fellow bases his calculation on the long-subsidized existence of the Christian Register, published in Boston. When the paper was founded American Unitarians had some little respect for Christ and historic Christianity; hence they called their paper The Christian Register. They have long ago lost what little Christianity they ever had, and naturally their organ has ceased to collect the pennies, notwithstanding the monkey attachment, but what has this to do with religious journalism?

As well say that the universe had ceased to be religious because President Roosevelt and Co. had become a gang of freebooters, or because Dowie & Co. had shown such devices as sending the women and children to Australia with the bonds and the geld.

If Dowie, and the Maine man Sanford and Mother Eddy and the Mormons, the lineal descendants of Channing and Emerson, Elbert Hubbard, Rockefeller and Carnegie and Roosevelt would just quietly join the Catholic Church, they would be taught first to make restitution of all stolen goods, then to make such acts of penance or penitence as would show them to be sincere and what a millennium of heaven and justice and mercy would once more bless this weary world. Be sure to send in your subscriptions, any way. William Henry Thorne.

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