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tual capacities remind one very much of those of Man.

The other extremely sociable bird, the parrot, stands, as known, at the very top of the whole feathered world for the development of its intelligence. Brehm has so admirably summed up the manners of life of the parrot, that I cannot do better than translate the following sentence :Except in the pairing season, they live in very numerous societies or bands. They choose a place in the forest to stay there, and thence they start every morning for their hunting expeditions. The members of each band remain faithfully attached to each other, and they share in common good or bad luck. All together they repair in the morning to a field, or to a garden, or to a tree, to feed upon fruits. They post sentries to keep watch over the safety of the whole band, and are attentive to their warnings. In case of danger, all take to flight, mutually supporting each other, and all simultaneously return to their resting-place. In a word, they always live closely united.

They enjoy society of other birds as well. In India, the jays and crows come together from many miles round, to spend the night in company with the parrots in the bamboo thickets. When the parrots start hunting, they display the most wonderful intelligence, prudence, and capacity of coping with circumstances. Take, for instance, a band of white cacadoos in Aus. tralia. Before starting to plunder a cornfield, they first send out a reconnoitring party which occupies the highest trees in the vicinity of the field, while other scouts perch upon the intermediate trees between the field and the forest and transmit the signals. If the report runs "All right,” a score of cacadoos will separate from the bulk of the band, take a flight in the air, and then fly toward the trees nearest to the field. They also will scrutinize the neighborhood for a long while, and only then will they give the signal for general advance, after which the whole band starts at once and plunders the field in no time. The Australian settlers have the greatest difficulties in beguiling the prudence of the parrots; but if man, with all his art and weapons, has succeeded in killing some of them, the cacadoos become so prudent and watchful that they henceforward baffle all stratagems.*

There can be no doubt that it is the

* R. Lendenfeld, in Der zoologische Garten, 1889.

practice of life in society which enables the parrots to attain that very high level of almost human intelligence and almost human feelings which we know in them. Their high intelligence has induced the best naturalists to describe some species, namely the gray parrot, as the "bird-man." As to their mutual attachment it is known that when a parrot has been killed by a hunter, the others fly over the corpse of their comrade with shrieks of complaints and "themselves fall the victims of their friendship," as Audubon said; and when two captive parrots, though belonging to two different species, have contracted mutual friendship, the accidental death of one of the two friends has sometimes been followed by the death from grief and sorrow of the other friend. It is no less evident that in their societies they find infinitely more protection than they possibly might find in any ideal development of beak and claw. Very few birds of prey or mammals dare attack any but the smaller species of parrots, and Brehm is absolutely right in saying of the parrots, as he also says of the cranes and the sociable monkeys, that they hardly have any enemies besides men; and he adds: "It is most probable that the larger parrots succumb chiefly to old age rather than die from the claws of any enemies." Only man, owing to his still more superior intelligence and weapons, also derived from association, succeeds in partially destroying them. Their very longevity would thus appear as a result of their social life. Could we not say the same as regards their wonderful memory, which also must be favored in its development by society-life and by longevity accompanied by a full enjoyment of bodily and mental faculties till a very old age ?

As seen from the above, the war of each against all is not the law of nature. Mutual aid is as much a law of nature as mutual struggle, and that law will become still more apparent when we have analyzed some other associations of birds and those of the mammalia. A few hints as to the importance of the law of mutual aid for the evolution of the animal kingdom have already been given in the preceding pages; but their purport will still better appear when, after having given a few more illustrations, we shall be enabled, in a subsequent paper, to draw therefrom our conclusions.-Nineteenth Century.

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CARDINAL NEWMAN AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES.

BY WILFRID MEYNELL.

JOHN HENRY NEWMAN, the eldest of a family of six children, was born within sound of Bow Bells, and he had his own experience of the "Turn Again Whittington" legend. For him, as well as for my Lord Mayor, certain phrases chimed, and they directed his steps. The child's Tolle, lege-tolle, lege," converted St. Augustine; and St. Augustine's "Securus judicat orbis terrarum" converted Cardinal Newman. Face to face with the parallel between the Donatists and the Anglicans drawn by Cardinal Wiseman in the Dublin Review, Newman was left unmoved until he caught the words. "Securus judicat orbis terrarum, kept ringing in my ears. Securus judicat orbis terrarum! By those great words of the ancient Father, interpreting and summing up the long and varied course of ecclesiastical history, the theory of the Via Media was absolutely pulverized." From the head-centre of worldliness-the city of London, and from its innermost shrines of mammon and money-the banking houses, may be said to have issued forth those two captains of war upon the world -the great contemporary English Cardi nals. Cardinal Manning's father was connected with the Bank of England, Cardinal Newman's was a partner with the Ramsbottoms in Lombard Street; the relative positions of the two banks, one official and the other a private venture, being afterward reproduced in the ecclesiastical careers of the two boys born within a decade of years of one another, and friends, counterparts, and contrasts during sixty years.

Newman's father, whose family were small landed proprietors in Cambridgeshire, was a man of cultivation, equally enthusiastic as a musician and as a Freemason. He married Miss Jemima Fourdrinier; and it is a little curious to remember that Newman, by his mother, was, like Faber by his father, a direct descendant of Huguenot refugees. The Fourdriniers were paper-makers, who had introduced improvements into the process of manufacture, and the name is still to be seen on a plate by the wayfarer on Ludgate Hill. The bank failing, Mr.

Newman took a brewery at Alton, working at it with a perseverance that did not command success. The mother's jointure was all that finally remained to the family, and even this was diminished by Goschen-like feats in national finance. It was said that John Henry Newinan was to go to the Bar, had things flourished; just as young Manning seemed settling at the Colonial Office when the fortunes of his father, too, fell or fluctuated. The Established Church offered to both a readier livelihood, and though it is suggested that Cardinal Manning and Mr. Gladstone might have changed places with advantage to both, no one, probably, has ever seriously believed that the one Cardinal, any more than the other, was without a clamorous vocation for an ecclesiastical career. Assuredly never did temporalities, or the need of them, so work for spirituality as in this story of the ways and means of families-a story which, in Newman's case at least, is not mere rumor and afterthought. It became one of John Henry's pleasures to be able to give his father, at a time of care and embarrassment, the good news of his election to a Fellowship at Oriel. This was in 1823, and the father died not long after, to be followed very suddenly, about 1828, by a daughter Mary. The family drifted from place to place to Brighton; to Strand-on-theGreen; in 1829 to a cottage at Horspath, which they exchanged for a cottage in Nuneham Courtney, offered to Newman by Dornford, a Fellow of Oriel. "In the Midlands," says Thomas Mozley, "it would have been set down as the habitation of a family of weavers or stockingers.' But it had its associations. Jean Jacques Rousseau had lived in it; and Nuneham was supposed to be Goldsmith's" deserted village.' It was there that a group of the family was drawn by Miss Maria Giberne, a lady who much admired Newman in those days and who did hin service afterward in Italy, hunting up as witnesses the unfortunate women whose testimony was so fatal to Dr. Achilli's character, though it failed to win the verdict of the court. That group, which has the affectations of the time, added to the

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drawing and composition of a lady amateur also of the time, was described by the Cardinal, in a letter he wrote to me late in his life, as a libel on my mother and her children;" but it was differently regarded by other members of the circle. From Nuneham, Mrs. Newman and her daughters went to Iffley; whence they took in hand the school and the poor at Littlemore, a hamlet, attached to the pastorate of St. Mary's, at which Newman built, out of his own resources, first a church and then his monastic home. But just before the church was consecrated, and long before the monastery was begun, Rosebank Cottage was emptied of its folk. The spring of the year 1836 saw the mariage of Mr. John Mozley with Miss Jemima Newman, the Cardinal's second sister; and a few days afterward Mrs. Newman fell ill, to die in a fortnight. As John Henry, who loved her tenderly, said:

"One moment here, the next she trod

The viewless mansion of her God."

A few months later, in September, 1836, Miss Harriett Newman, the elder sister, was married to the Rev. Thomas Mozley. Four years before these marriages, a brother of the two husbandsthe Rev. James Mozley-had written home to his sister: "Newman is going to introduce me to his mother and sisters. The Miss Newmans are very learned persons, deeply read in ecclesiastical history and in all the old divines, both High Church and Puritanical. But, notwithstanding this, they are, I believe, very agreeable and unaffected." By the mar riage of Thomas Mozley, Newman secured not only a brother-in law but also a Boswell He had been Mozley's tutor at Oriel, and he was also his hero. Mozley's services to Tractarianism are as many as his thousands of articles in the Times on matters pertaining to religion in England. And as each contemporary and friend fell out of the ranks, there was a tribute to him least expected in the place where it appeared the obituary column of the paper to read which is, says Mr. Ruskin. moral deterioration. His two volumes of "Reminiscences of the Oxford Movement" are a record, unequalled in vitality and vivacity, of a group of men devoted to God and to each other, as have been few men so incongruously brought to

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gether. That Cardinal Newman did not wholly appreciate Mozley's labors—which bore to outsiders the aspect of being those of love as well as of authorship-is one of the freaks of fate which brothers-in-law are called upon to endure. The truth is that Cardinal Newman, once the "Apologia" was written, desired that the story he had told should stand, no man daring to add to it anything or to take anything away.

Next in fame to John Henry comes Francis William, about four years his junior. Frank followed his brother to Dr. Nicholas's school at Ealing, each going at a bound to the top. When the elder went to Trinity College, Oxford, Frank, too young for college, followed to Oxford, and, says Mozley in chosen terms,

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pursued his studies, as far as was compatible with an amiable but universal and persistent antagonism, under John Henry Newman's directions, in lodgings." other substantial ways, John Henry was able to be of use to this brilliant younger brother, who, in due course, gained easily one of the best double-firsts ever known. When Francis came of age, the future Cardinal addressed to him a set of rhymes, of which these are some:

"Dear Frank, we both are summoned now
As champions of the Lord;
Enrolled am I, and shortly thou

Must buckle on the sword;
A high employ, nor lightly given,
To serve as messengers of Heaven."

But Frank Newman had already-in this year 1826-other thoughts. Two years of Oxford life had seen his fervent Evangelicalism evaporate. He was full of diffi culties, and he did not seek a solution of them at the hands of his elder brother, to confer with whom even the Queen of Sheba was setting forth from the ends of the earth. It may be noted, in illustration of the old truth as to the households of prophets, that not one of Cardinal Newman's immediate family followed him to Rome, "though he drew the stars after him ;" that Father Faber's army of converts included none of his near relatives ; and that Cardinal Manning may regard it as the most wonderful of his many wonderful successes, that one of his brothers, the late amiable and refined Mr. Charles Manning, trod in his steps. In his "Phases of Faith," Mr. Frank Newman

gives dim reasons for being beyond his brother's influence :

"One person there was at Oxford who might have seemed my natural adviser-I mean my elder brother, the Rev. John Henry Newman. As a warm-hearted and generous brother who exercised toward me paternal care I esteemed him, and felt a deep gratitude; as a man of various culture and peculiar genius I admired and was proud of him; but my doctrinal religion impeded my loving him as much as he deserved, and even justified my feeling some distrust of him. He never shared my strong attraction toward those whom I regarded as spiritual persons on the contrary, I thought him stiff and cold toward them. Moreover,

soon after his ordination he had startled and

distressed me by adopting the doctrine of Baptismal Regeneration, and in rapid succession worked out views which I regarded as full-blown Popery.' I speak of the years 1823-6. It is strange to think that twenty years more had to pass before he learned the place to which his doctrines belonged."

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When John Henry Newman arrived at his mother's cottage after his eventful tour in Southern Europe, in 1833, Frank had just returned from Persia. Before the end of that year the two brothers were not on speaking terms. The estrangement is told in the "Apologia": "I would have no dealings with my brother, and I put my conduct upon a syllogism. I said, Št. Paul bids us to avoid those who cause divisions; you cause divisions; therefore I avoid you.' That mood did not last long; and though the difference of belief became more emphatic with the passage of time, and Professor Francis Newman did not, with years, acquire a less positive utterance, there were many meetings of tolerance and of fraternal affection, even down to the last years of the Cardinal's life, when his brother came from Weston-super-Mare to be with him at his holiday retreat at Rednal, now his restingplace forever.

"There was also another brother, not without his share in the heritage of natural gifts." This is all that even Thomas Mozley has to say of Charles Robert Newman, alive at the time the "Reminiscences" were written. His death subsequently, and now the death of Cardinal Newman, make it possible to give him a fuller mention. "But has not every house its trial?" asks Charlotte Brontë, by strange way of comfort that misfortunes are for many, not for one. The New mans had their household trial in the wayward brother whose eccentricities took a

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form peculiarly unwelcome to those nearest to him in blood. At the time of his death, in 1884, a clergyman contributed to a newspaper some rather wild hearsay about the conduct of Charles Newman when he was acting as master in a school at Hurstmonceaux. This clergyman had been curate at Hurstmonceaux to Julius Hare, who had known Charles Newinan there a few years before. According to him :

"To Hare he lamented the narrow-mindedness of his brothers, John and Francis, who had entirely cast him off and left him to fight his way in the world unaided because of his professed infidelity. At the time I am speaking of, somewhere between 1834 and 1844, Newman was miserably poor, entirely dependent on his small pittance as an usher in a third-rate country school. The task of teaching rude Sussex lads was, as might be imagined, tolerably irksome to a man of Newman's high intellectual power. The relations between him and his principal soon became strained; and the engagement was suddenly terminated by a tussle between the usher and his class. . . . Hare, I remember, used to make excuses for Newman's religious and moral obliquities on the ground of partial insanity-there was a screw loose somewhere.'''

This writer does not appear to have even seen the ne'er-do-well to whom his sympathies went out so cheaply-but, as commonly happens in such matters-at the heavy expense of the surviving relatives. They treated the insinuations with silence-all that was possible to them. As one of them expressed it to me in a letter at the time (April, 1884), which I may now venture to quote:

"I suppose Precentor V-- is a clergyman and has the feelings of a just and gentle man. I therefore marvel that he should think it

right to drag before the public events of forty or fifty years back concerning an obscure person lately carried to the grave-matters not creditable if true, and not refutable if false or falsely colored; and should couple with them statements against me and my brother which we cannot duly repel and dispel except by attacking our brother just deceased. No man has a right to impose on us this odious task."

Very briefly may be stated the main facts, but only those which his surviving brothers were convinced that Mr. Charles Newman himself would not call in question. When not far out of his teens, Charles Newman wrote to some cousins renouncing his family, and begging that they would not consider him to be a Newman, his only reason for the renunciation

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being that the family were too religious. His mother was still alive, and she and his sisters tried to win him, but without success, from the life of loneliness and isolation he elected to lead. Never was kindness denied him, however one-sided the arrangement might be. Both his broth. ers, after they had been "cast off" by him, not he by them, managed to put together funds for sending him to take a degree at Bonn University, at his earnest desire. But he came away without even offering himself for examination, a step he explained by saying that the judges would not grant him a degree because of the offence he had given by his treatment of faith and morals in an essay which they called teterrima. This was only one of a series of aids given to Charles by John Henry and by Francis, who, unlike in so much, resembled each other in their generous desires and actions toward their mother's youngest son. But in him they found, as one of them expresses it in a private letter, only "the closest representation of an ancient cynic philosopher this nineteenth century can afford."

A man is entered in a Biographical Dictionary by the date of his birth; but it is really the date of death that ranges him in the memories of mankind. Macaulay and Newman belong to a different epoch, but were born within a month or two of each other. Newman was a baby when Keats, a child of four or five, who had not yet heard of Lemprière, was standing with a drawn sword at the door of his mother's bedroom to shield her from disturbance during an illness. Shelley, just over eight, was already exciting the admiration of his sisters by his declamation of Latin verse. Byron was beginning his troublesome teens, scribbling his first verses, and being well hated at Harrow. Newman hardly ranks as the contemporary of these, though he was twenty when Keats died, was of age when Shelley died, and when Byron died was twenty-three. With Coleridge, Southey and Wordsworth, though these were all born between thirty and thirty-five years before him, he lived in the world for thirty-three, forty-two, and forty-nine years. In 1836, Faber, returning to Oxford from the Long, which he had spent at the Lakes, reported that "Wordsworth spoke of Newman's sermons, some of which he had read and liked exceedingly." Walter Scott was

thirty when Newman was born, and when Scott died Newman was beginning the Tractarian movement which was to give Abbotsford to Rome.

Newman's literary admirations were in great part those of the period. For Scott he had all Mr. Gladstone's enthusiasm. The tinsel of that medievalism did not disconcert him; and he gratefully mentions Scott as having in some sort, by his scenes of chivalry, prepared the path for the Catholic revival; surely a route to the Oratory by way of Wardour Street. Scott's novels he put into the hands of the boys at the Oratory school at Edgbaston as prizes, and even examined in them. Perhaps he had his happiest holiday when he spent five weeks at Abbotsford at the end of 1852, the guest of Mr. Hope-Scott, who, like his wife, Lockhart's daughter, had become a Catholic. When Newman got the invitation he wrote in reply: "It would be a great pleasure to spend some time with you, and then I have ever had the extremest sympathy for Walter Scott, and it would delight me to see his place. When he was dying, I was saying prayers (whatever they were worth) for him continually, thinking of Keble's words, Think on the minstrel as ye kneel.'" Lockhart was still alive, and the visits his daughter and son-in-law paid him in London, he repaid at Abbotsford, whither, finally, he had his books taken. There, in the breakfast-room, because he could not leave the ground-floor, and because he shunned the dining-room where Sir Walter gave up the ghost, the old editor, a stoic amid suffering, a Protestant among Catholics, passed away, with Father Lockhart, a distant cousin, at his unresponsive side, and the sound of his daughter's voice, reading prayers from her "Garden of the Soul," in his ears.

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One can well imagine the mystification of the old editor of the Quarterly in presence of the Popery which sat at his hearth, although he had been willing to give Tractarianism a distant hearing in his Review. In 1837, one of the party at Oxford complacently records that "Lockhart finds he must have an infusion of Oxford principles; it takes with people now-that is, such people as read the Quarterly;" and Philip Pusey, the member of Parliament, told his brother Edward that one of Newman's greatest triumphs was his "getting hold of the Quarterly.”

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