or marshy ground, many men dropping altogether from the ranks, and the rear falling considerably behind the van. Under these disadvantages it was two in the morning before the head of the first column passed Kilravock House, within four miles of the English camp. This was the very hour for which the attack had been designed; and Lord George pointed out to his officers that it was no now longer possible for them to reach the enemy before the dawn should expose them to his observation. Several gentlemen-Hepburn of Keith above all still vehemently adhered to the first project, saying that the Highland broad-sword would not be the worse for a little daylight to direct its operations. But notwithstanding this flourish, it was plain that all hopes of a surprise had ended, and that the object of the nightmarch had failed. During the discussion, Mr. O'Sullivan came up with a message from the Prince, that his Royal Highness would be glad to have the attack made; but that, as Lord George was in the van, he could best judge whether it could be done in time or not. Thus empow

ered, Lord George gave orders for retreat; Charles afterwards riding up, was convinced by his reasoning of the unavoidable necessity; and the troops, sadly retracing their steps, took up their original position on Drummossie, or Culloden Moor.*

Thus, on the morning of April the 16th, the Highlanders were harassed and hungry, and without any neighbouring stores of provision; even for the Prince himself no refreshment beyond a little bread and whiskey could be found. It was now the wish of Lord George Murray and other skilful officers that the army thus unfitted for exertion should retire, and take up a position beyond the river Narin, Nwhere the ground was high and inaccessible to

* Lord George was afterwards accused (most unjustly) of treachery, and of commanding the retreat without orders. There is some discrepancy, which in my narrative I have attempted to reconcile, between his own account (Letter, August 5. 1749), and an answer to a query sent to Charles in Italy, nearly thirty years later. (Home's Appendix, No. 44.) Lord George's recollection is likely to be the more correct so shortly after the transaction. But it is singular, and very honourable to both the parties concerned, that Charles's account acquits Lord George still more completely than Lord George does himself, of the alleged crime of acting without orders.

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cavalry, so that the Duke of Cumberland could not have engaged them but at great disadvantage to himself. Charles on the other hand, like his forefather at Flodden, was imbued with the chivalrous idea, that he ought never to decline a battle on fair ground, nor enable his enemies afterwards to say, that his victory had not been owing to his valour. Besides, as Lord George Murray complains, "His Royal Highness had so much confidence in the bravery of his army, that he was rather too hazardous, "and was for fighting the enemy on all occasions." * It appears moreover that the counsellors on whom he most relied, instead of checking his romantic rashness, rather urged him forward. According to another officer who was present, "when proposals were made to retire over "the river Nairn, which might have been done with great facility, Sir Thomas Sheridan and others from "France having lost all patience, and hoping no doubt for 66 a miracle, in which light most of them had considered "both the victory at Preston and that at Falkirk, insisted "upon a battle, and prevailed, without reflecting that many were then absent, and those on the spot spent and "discouraged by a forced march during a long dark night "whereas upon the other two occasions the men were in "full vigour and spirits." †

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The insurgents were now drawn up for battle in two lines on the right the Athol brigade, the Camerons, the Stuarts, and some other clans under Lord George Murray; on the left, the Macdonald regiments, under Lord John Drummond. "But we of the clan Macdonald," says one of their officers, "thought it ominous that we had not "this day the right hand in battle, as formerly at Glads"muir and at Falkirk, and which our clan maintains we "had enjoyed in all our battles and struggles since the "battle of Bannockburn." The right flank on this occasion was covered by some straggling park walls; to the left began a gentle slope leading down towards Culloden House. Thus placed, it was about eleven o'clock

* See Jacobite Memoirs, p. 122.

† Answers of Mr. Pattullo, Muster-master-General of the Insurgent army. (Home's Appendix, p. 332.)

Macdonald's Journal. (Lockhart Papers, vol. ii. p. 510.)

THE FORTY-FIVE."

when the Highland out-posts first observed the horizon darken with the advancing masses of the Duke of Cumberland's army. The Duke on approaching formed his army with great skill in three lines, with cavalry on each wing, and two pieces of cannon between every two regiments of the first line. To obviate the effect of the Highland target he had instructed his soldiers, that each of them in action should direct his thrust, not at the man directly opposite, but against the one who fronted his right-hand comrade. He now again addressed his troops, saying that he could not suppose that there was any man in the British army reluctant to fight, but if there were any, who either from disinclination to the cause, or from having relations in the rebel army would prefer to retire, he begged them in the name of God to do so, as he would rather face the Highlanders with 1000 determined men at his back, than have 10,000 with a tithe who were lukewarm."* He was answered by loud huzzas and repeated shouts of "Flanders! Flanders!" It being nearly one o'clock before his arrangements were completed, it was proposed to His Royal Highness that he should allow the men to dine before the battle. 66 plied, "they will fight more actively with empty bellies, "No," he re"and besides, it would be a bad omen. "what a dessert they got to their dinner at Falkirk!" You remember

The battle began with a cannonade on both sides, by which (so different was the skill of their artillerymen!) the royal army suffered little, but the insurgent greatly. Of the rival princes, William at once took between the first and second lines; Charles, before reup his position pairing to his, rode along the ranks to animate the men. His little party soon became a conspicuous mark for the enemy's cannon; several of his guardsmen fell, and a servant, who held a led horse, was killed by his side, the Prince himself being covered by the earth thrown up by the ball. Not discomposed, however, he coolly continued his inspection, and then, as at Falkirk, stationed himself on a little height just behind the second line. Meanwhile a storm of snow and hail had begun to fall, but

*Chambers's Hist. vol. ii. p. 103.; from the note-book of an English officer who was present.

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unlike that at Falkirk, blowing full in the faces of the Highlanders. At length Lord George Murray, finding his division of the right lose so much more than they inflicted from the cannonade, sent Colonel Ker of Gradon to the Prince requesting permission to attack. This being granted, the right wing and centre, with one loud shout, rushed furiously forward, sword in hand; they were received with a rolling fire, both of cannon and grapeshot, but yet so resistless was their onset that they broke through Monro's and Burrel's regiments in the first line, and captured two pieces of cannon. But the Duke foreseeing the chance of this event, and with a view to provide against it, had carefully strengthened and stationed his second line; it was drawn up three deep, the front rank kneeling, the second bending forward, the third standing upright. These, reserving their fire till the Highlanders were close upon them, poured in a volley so well sustained and destructive as completely to disorder them. Before they could recover, the Royal troops improved the advantage, and driving the clans together till they became one mingled mass, turned them from assailants into fugitives. Some of their best DUNNIE WASSAILS and the Chief of Mac Lauchlan were killed and trampled down; the brave Lochiel fell wounded, but was carried from the field by his two henchmen; and the call of the other chiefs arose unheeded and overborne. In short the whole right and centre of the insurgents were now in irretrievable rout, pursued by superior numbers, and drooping from previous exhaustion.

Yet let it not be deemed that even thus their courage failed. Not by their forefathers at Bannockburn-not by themselves at Preston or at Falkirk—not in after years when discipline had raised and refined the valour of their sons -not on the shores of the Nile-not on that other field of victory where their gallant chief, with a prophetic shroud (it is their own superstition) high upon his breast*, addressed to them only these three words, HIGH

*"When a shroud is perceived about one, it is a sure prognostic of "death, and the time is judged according to the height of it about the 66 person; for if it is seen above the middle, death is not to be expected "for the space of a year, but as it ascends higher towards the head, "death is concluded to be at hand, within a few days if not hours, as

LANDERS, REMEMBER EGYPT*-not in those hours of triumph and of glory was displayed a more firm and resolute bravery than now in the defeat at Culloden. The right and centre had done all that human strength or human spirit could do-they had yielded only to necessity and numbers-and like the captive monarch at Pavia might boast that every thing was lost but their honour.

On the left, however, the Macdonalds aggrieved, and as they thought, disgraced by their exclusion from the post of honour, stood moody, motionless, and irresolute to fight. In vain did the Duke of Perth, who was stationed there, tell them that, if they behaved with their usual valour, they would make a right of the left, and he would call himself in future a Macdonald.* In vain did Keppoch rush forward to the charge with a few of his kinsmen; the clan (an event almost unexampled in Highland warfare) would not follow: calmly they beheld their chief brought to the ground by several shots from the enemy; calmly they heard the dying words which he faltered forth, "My God! have the children of my tribe forsaken me!" Thus they stood while the right and centre of their army was put to the rout, and then falling back in good order they joined the remnant of the second line. But at the same time their rear became exposed to another body of English horse and Argyleshire Highlanders, who breaking gaps through the inclosures on the rebel right, formed again upon the open moor beyond, and must, if reinforced in time, have cut off all retreat from the defeated army.

Charles, from the height where he stood with one squadron of horse, gazed on the rout of his army and the

"daily experience confirms." (Martin's Western Islands, 1716, p. 300., and Scott's Poetical Works, vol. viii. p. 306. ed. 1834.) I know not whether it has ever been noticed, that the Highland word for a seer, Taisheer, is nearly the same as the Turkish :

"Warned by the voice of stern Taheer."

*The words of Sir John Moore to the 42d regiment at the battle of Corunna. (Southey's Peninsular War, vol. ii. p. 524. 8vo ed.)

Home's Hist. p. 234. In the Tales of a Grandfather, this saying is erroneously ascribed to Lord George Murray, who commanded on the other wing. (Vol. iii. p. 250.)