probably never rose above the common level; yet, in some cases in Scotland, where he and his more practised officers differed in opinion, it will I think appear that they were wrong and he was right. No knight of the olden time could have a loftier sense of honour; indeed he pushed it to such wild extremes, that it often led him into error and misfortune. Thus, he lost the battle of Culloden in a great measure because he disdained to take advantage of the ground, and deemed it more chivalrous to meet the enemy on equal terms. Thus, also, his wilful and froward conduct at the peace of Aix la Chapelle proceeded from a false point of honour, which he thought involved in it. At other times, again, this generous spirit may deserve unmingled praise: he could never be persuaded or provoked into adopting any harsh measures of retaliation ; his extreme lenity to his prisoners, even to such as had attempted his life, was, it seems, a common matter of complaint among his troops *; and, even when encouragement had been given to his assassination, and a price put upon his head, he continued most earnestly to urge that in no possible case should the "Elector," as he called his rival, suffer any personal injury or insult. This anxiety was always present in his mind. Mr. Forsyth, a gentleman whose description of Italy is far the best that has appeared, and whose scrupulous accuracy and superior means of information will be acknowledged by all travellers, relates how, only a few years after the Scottish expedition, Charles, relying on the faith of a single adherent, set out for London in a humble disguise, and under the name of Smith. On arriving there, he was introduced at midnight into a room full of conspirators whom he had never previously seen. "Here," said his conductor, "is the person "you want," and left him locked up in the mysterious assembly. These were men who imagined themselves equal, at that time, to treat with him for the throne of England. "Dispose of me, gentlemen, as you please," said Charles; "my life is in your power, and I therefore can stipulate for nothing. Yet give me, I entreat, one "solemn promise, that if your design should succeed, the 66 * Capt. Daniel's Narrative, MS. JOURNEY FROM ROME. 9 at first sight, may appear unimpeachable authority. The keener eyes, however, of Sir Walter Scott, and other Scottish antiquaries, have discovered that Johnstone, in other parts of his narrative, shows himself quite unworthy of credit. Thus a most minute and circumstantial story, which he ascribes to Gordon of Abbachie, is proved to be in all its parts an utter fiction. Thus, again, his own private circumstances are found to be in some respects the very opposite from what he represents them.* After such detections, I can only value Johnstone's Memoirs for their military criticisms and remarks, but shall never admit them as sufficient evidence for facts. The complaints of men who in their vanity think their services slighted, or the calumnies of those who forsake, and then, to excuse their forsaking, slander, the defeated, are always too readily welcomed by contemporary rancour. But there is I believe no higher duty- I am sure there is no greater pleasure in history, than to vindicate the memory of a gallant and unfortunate enemy. Early in the summer of 1743, Cardinal Tencin wrote to the old Pretender, urging that Prince Charles should at once proceed from Rome to France, so as to be ready to take the command of the intended expedition whenever that should be prepared. The answer of James, however, far more sagaciously points out, that his son's journey should rather be deferred till those preparations were completed, as it would otherwise serve to put the British Government upon its guard, and induce it to adopt more active measures of defence.† Accordingly, the previous step was to draw together 15,000 veterans at Dunkirk, to be commanded, under Charles, by the Mareschal de Saxe, an illegitimate son of the late King of Poland, and at that time the most skilful and intrepid officer in the French service: a large number of transports for the descent were collected in the Channel, and a fleet of eighteen sail of the line, for their protection was ready to sail from the harbours of Rochefort and Brest. Notice of these equipments, and of their state of forwardness, being duly sent to Rome, James, on the 23d of De See the Quarterly Review, No. lxxi. p. 211. of all enemies, a former friend. If the facts of his story be truly stated-and his authority, though not impartial, is yet, I own, of no inconsiderable weight-they will certainly admit of no defence. But as to the charge of avarice in general, and of sparing rewards to his servants, I may observe that for the sake of the exiles themselves, and with a view to their certain and complete relief, it was surely better for Charles to be thrifty of his means, and to collect money for the execution of one great enterprise, rather than to scatter it in vague and casual acts of bounty. "But he was a coward!" Such is the language of those who love to trample on the fallen, and to heap imputations upon him whom fortune has already overwhelmed. When Lochiel, Lord George Murray, and so many other brave men so often censured Charles as rash, and checked his headlong eagerness for battle, can it be doubted that he equalled (for none could exceed) them in bravery? But who are they that assert the contrary? Helvetius, the French philosophist, whose house at Paris was for some time Charles's residence, told David Hume that the Prince was utterly faint-hearted, insomuch that when the expedition to Scotland was in preparation, it had been necessary to carry him on ship-board by main force, bound hand and foot.* Now, on the contrary, there are no facts in all history better attested than that, throughout his stay in France, Charles warmly pressed the expedition against many of his friends, who wished to await a more favourable opportunity, and that, in Scotland, it was solely his earnest persuasion that prevailed upon the first Highlanders to rise. The documents which have since appeared not only establish these facts in the clearest manner, but must tend, by subverting the testimony of Helvetius on one point, to render it worthless on all others.† But the cowardice of Charles is also asserted by the Chevalier Johnstone, an officer of his own army. This, * Letter from Hume to Dr. Pringle, February 13. 1773. Mémoires Secrets de Dubois, vol. i. p. 139. † See this argument more fully urged in a note to Waverley, vol. ii. p. 272. revised ed. JOURNEY FROM ROME. 9 at first sight, may appear unimpeachable authority. The keener eyes, however, of Sir Walter Scott, and other Scottish antiquaries, have discovered that Johnstone, in other parts of his narrative, shows himself quite unworthy of credit. Thus a most minute and circumstantial story, which he ascribes to Gordon of Abbachie, is proved to be in all its parts an utter fiction. Thus, again, his own private circumstances are found to be in some respects the very opposite from what he represents them.* After such detections, I can only value Johnstone's Memoirs for their military criticisms and remarks, but shall never admit them as sufficient evidence for facts. The complaints of men who in their vanity think their services slighted, or the calumnies of those who forsake, and then, to excuse their forsaking, slander, the defeated, are always too readily welcomed by contemporary rancour. But there is I believe no higher duty I am sure there is no greater pleasure in history, than to vindicate the memory of a gallant and unfortunate enemy. Early in the summer of 1743, Cardinal Tencin wrote to the old Pretender, urging that Prince Charles should at once proceed from Rome to France, so as to be ready to take the command of the intended expedition whenever that should be prepared. The answer of James, however, far more sagaciously points out, that his son's journey should rather be deferred till those preparations were completed, as it would otherwise serve to put the British Government upon its guard, and induce it to adopt more active measures of defence.† Accordingly, the previous step was to draw together 15,000 veterans at Dunkirk, to be commanded, under Charles, by the Mareschal de Saxe, an illegitimate son of the late King of Poland, and at that time the most skilful and intrepid officer in the French service: a large number of transports for the descent were collected in the Channel, and a fleet of eighteen sail of the line, for their protection was ready to sail from the harbours of Rochefort and Brest. Notice of these equipments, and of their state of forwardness, being duly sent to Rome, James, on the 23d of De See the Quarterly Review, No. lxxi. p. 211. a cember, 1743, put his name to several important acts proclamation to the British people, to be published on the landing and a Commission, declaring the Prince, his son, Regent, with full powers in his absence.* On the same day he likewise signed a patent to secure, rather than to reward, the doubtful fidelity of Lord Lovat, by naming him Duke of Fraser, and the King's Lieutenant in all the counties north of Spey.† Thus prepared, and full of hope and ardour, Charles took leave of his father, and set out from Rome on the night of the 9th of January, 1744, on the pretence of a hunting expedition, and afterwards in the disguise of a Spanish courier. He was attended only by a single servant, a faithful groom, who personated a Spanish secretary. Both the King of Sardinia by land, and Admiral Mathews by sea, were eager if they could to intercept him; but so skilfully were his measures taken, that his departure remained a secret even to his younger brother during several days. Travelling day and night, he reached Savona, and, embarking in a small vessel, ran through the British fleet at great risk of being captured, but arrived safe at Antibes. From thence he pursued his journey, riding post, with such speed as to enter Paris on the 20th of the same monththe very day on which the pretended King at Rome publicly, at his own table, announced his son's departure, and received the congratulations of his family. An interview with the King of France was now eagerly solicited by Charles, but in vain; and it is remarkable, that he was never admitted to the Royal presence, until after his return from Scotland. He held, however, repeated conferences with the Earl Marischal, and Lord Elcho; the former his avowed, the latter his secret, ad * See these papers in the Collection of the Declarations and other State Papers of the Insurgents at Edinburgh. Reprinted 1749. † See Lord Lovat's Trial, 1747, p. 24. Tindal alleges an interview (vol. ix. p. 21.), and he is followed by all the later writers; but the Stuart Papers seem to prove the contrary. James writes to Mr. O'Bryen, August 11. 1745,-" Depuis que le Prince était en France, il a été tenu guère moins que prison"nier; on ne lui a pas permis d'aller à l'armée, et il n'a même jamais vu le Roi." 66 |