other Lords in office, and the Noble author endeavoured, as well as he could, to explain away the fubftance of what he had thrown out upon that subject. The previous question being at length put, it was carried by a majority of 75, including 22 proxies, to 32, including one proxy, who fupported the motion. [The proceedings on the indemnitybill, on Sir James Lowther's motion relative to the Hanoverian troops, and on the militia-bill, have been already given [38. 12.-16.]. - We now proceed with our author.] A debate arofe about the fame time [Nov. 1.], on laying the army-eftimates for the enfuing year before the Commons; the oppofition preffing very clofely for information as to the number, condition, and fituation of the troops now in America; whilft the minifters, as ufual in this bufinefs, refufed the fatisfaction required. This occafioned a motion, That there be laid before the House an account of the laft returns of the number of effective men, in the several regiments and corps in his Majefty's fervice ferving in North America, together with a ftate of the fick and wounded; diftinguishing the feveral places where the faid troops are ftationed. This motion was opposed, as being unfupported by precedent; and that the calling for the returns of an army in time of war, by a refolution of the House, would eftablish one highly inconvenient and dangerous: That the return of an army, includes the most accurate and authentic account of every particular relative to it. Could it be proper or fafe to publish fuch a state, to furnish fuch information, while the enemy was in the field? while he was in a ftate to convert fuch intelligence to the higheft advantage? No minifters could pretend to carry on the public bufine fs, if any gentleman had a right to demand and obtain fuch information. On the other fide it was afferted, that a precedent was fo far from being want ing, that it was to be found just at hand, and no longer ago than the affair of the Caribs at St Vincent's. [35. 192.] The question being put, was rejected, 170 to 63. A few days after [Nov. 7.], a gentleman in oppofition [Mr Luttrell made a motion for an addrefs to his Majcity, that the commiflioners appointed to act in America for the purposes held out in The gentleman introduced his motion with a fpeech, in which he fhewed from a number of authorities, both in the ancient and modern part of our hiftory, that it was not only cuftomary with the crown to treat with conventions of the people, which were affembled without any of the legal forms; but that fuch affemblies, in the name and under the authority of the people, had several times difpofed of the crown itfelf, a right which our kings fully acknowledged, by moft thankfully receiving it at their hands. From thefe and various other precedents, he argued, and inferred, that it was no diminution of dignity in the crown or parliament to treat with the American conventions, under whatever forms or denominations they were held. And in further fupport of his pofition, brought the remarkable inftance of the moft powerful and arbitrary monarch in Europe, Lewis XIV. who did not difdain to enter into and conclude a treaty, negotiated by two marshals of France, with a contemptible handful of rebellious Cevennois, and their leader, the fon of a baker, whofe name is perpetuated to pofterity, by being fubfcribed to the fame inftrument which bears the fignature of the haughty Lewis. The motion vas feconded [by Sir George Youge], but produced little or no debate. It was faid, in general, that peace was much to be wislied for; but that the entering into any treaty with the Congrefs, would be an acknowledgement of its being a legal affembly, which mutt, of courfe, determine the whole quetion of difpute in favour of America; for if that meeting was legal, our whole conduer muft have been a courfe of injudice: That it was more confonant with the dignity of parlia ment to find fome other method; that by waiting a little, fuch an opportunity might offer; and that, at worst, it would be time enough to apply to this as the last resort. The queftion being put, it paffed in the negative without a divifion. On the following day [Nov. 8.] the minifter in the war-department laid the eftimates of the land-fervice for the enfuing year before the committee of fupply. Thefe eftimates exceeded two millions, including the ftaff, the difference between the English and Irish establishment in the pay of the latter, the pay of the five Hanoverian battalions, near 00,000l. levy-money, and the extraor nary unprovided expences of the ordnance in the preceding year, which, notwithstanding the limited fphere of fervice, amounted to 223,655 1. His Lordship fhewed, that the whole force appointed for the land-fervice, abroad and at home, would amount to about 55,000 men, of which upwards of 25,000 would be employed in America. He acknowledged, that though this was the general arrangement, he was forry to fay it was only on paper, for that fcarcely any of the corps were completed to their full complement. He faid, that no means had been untried to remedy this defect; that the bounty had been raifed, and the ftandard lowered; attempts had been made to inlift Irish Roman-Catholics, and to incorporate foreigners fingly into the British regiments; but all failed of the expected effect, and the recruiting-fervice ftill went on very flowly. He endeavoured to obviate the popular obfervation which had been fo often repeated, and he knew would be now renewed, that the difficulty, or rather impracticability of procuring men, proceeded from the abhorrence with which the people in general regarded the prefent odious civil war. He mentioned feveral caufes for this flacknefs, but refted chief ly on the flourishing ftate of our manufactures, (notwithstanding the predictions of opposition), which, whilft it brought a temporary diftrefs on the fervice, was a proof of the real strength of the kingdom, and its ability fully to fupport this or any war. He alfo threw out, without pretending however to any abfolute authority, that every idea of taxing America was now entirely given up; and that the only remaining confideration was, to fecure the conftitutional dependency of that country: That this could only be effected by fuch a conduct as fhewed the moft determined resolution of maintaining our conftitutional rights; and that for this purpose it was intended to fend out fuch an armament as would be fufficient to enforce them, if America fhould ftill perfift in her disobedience : That this armament would be attended with commiffioners, who should be furnifhed with powers to accommodate matters; and that a great military officer, who stood high in the esteem both of his fovereign and the nation, was intended to be the first commissioner. Some of the country-gentlemen, as well as the oppofition in general, were much diffatisfied at not being able to obtain any information from the minister, relative to his intended operations, whether with respect to the measures for bringing about an accommodation, or for the profecution of the war. The former said, they voted with him for the militia, and the augmentation of the navy, in a firm perfuafion, and underftanding it as a matter of course, that before the remaining fupplies were granted, he would have laid his plan before the House: That if they had not thought fo, they would not have given their fupport to measures which it feemed now they were not to be acquainted with: That it looked as if it were meant that they fhould vote the eftimates first, and hear the reasons afterwards; or, in other words, that the Houfe fhould begin with a divifion, and end with a debate. They faid, that in looking for information, they did not mean a few fcraps of garbled and mutilated papers; but that verbal and official information which they thought it the minifter's duty to impart to parliament: That it was particularly necef fary they should receive information as to the perfons who were to be appointed as commiffioners in America, and the nature and extent of their commiffion, tha parliament might be enabled to judge, whether they were men fit to be intrufted with fo important a negotiation, and whether the terms they carsied out were confiftent with the digni ty of Great Britain to offer, and the intereft of the Americans to receive. Though the minister did not think it prudent, or was not prepared, to give any direct or explicit answer, he, howe ver, thought it neceffary to do something to d 1 to keep that party in temper. He faid, fupported by a formidable fleet, would that the commiffion to be fent, would be fully fufficient for the purpose, and be in conformity to the intimation given fuch as all America could not withstand; from the throne; that the gentlemen nor was it probable, that they would need not make themselves uneafy, under enter into fo arduous a conteft, when the apprehenfion that any treaty of con- terms were held out to them at the very ceffion would be agreed to without the inftant, which would fully preferve their confent of parliament; but that it would rights. The idea of fimple war, or fimbe neceffary to know upon what grounds ple conceffion, was ftrongly controvertthe Americans would treat, before the ed. It was faid, that a conqueft over powers fufficient to ratify what the com- our own fubjects, was neither fought miffioners might think expedient were nor defired; that it was our intereft, 3 derived from parliament. When the as it was our wifh, to reclaim, not to terms that America was willing to fub- deftroy or enflave; that in the present mit to, were in a state proper to be laid ftate of things in America, this desirable before the Houfe, that, in his opinion, object could only be obtained by fuch an would be the proper time to take the armament as would command respect, sense of parliament on previous commu- ftrike an awe into the factious, and ennications, and leave it to judge of the al- force a fubmiffion to the conciliatory ternative, whether the offers of Ameri- terms which we propofed, if coercion ca could be accepted with honour, or became abfolutely neceffary; and that whether we ought to reduce them to a either to withdraw the force we already state of obedience, however difficult or had there, or to leave it expofed to the hazardous the undertaking. infults and danger of a greater on the fide of the rebels, would not only be in the highest degree difgraceful to ourselves, but would, in its confequences, be equally ruinous to both countries. In the further profecution of the fubject, the oppofition infifted, That the eftimates were under-rated in fuch a degree, as to afford no clue whereby to form any judgement of the extent of the expences; that the propofed force of 25,000 men was totally inadequate to the purposes of abfolute coercion. This was fupported by the opinion of a great general officer, who had long been in administration, and who declared it in the moft unreferved terms. The other military gentlemen prefent were called upon to declare their diffent, if they thought otherwife; but they all continued filent. The mixt fyftem of war and conciliation was reprefented as highly improper. The measure adopted, whether of peace or war, fhould be clear, fimple, and decided; not involved in doubt, perplexity, and darkness. If war was refolved, and it was determined to compel America to fabmiffion, let the means of coercion be fuch, as will, to a moral certainty, infure fuccefs. The force employed muft be able to command terms, or it does nothing. If, on the contrary, peace is really wifhed for, and terms of conciliation are to be propofed, your propofitions ought to be fo clear as to be obvious to every common understanding, and fo fimple as to baffle the powers of chicanery. On the other fide it was faid, That the force propofed, when its operations were directed to specific fervices, and A gentleman in office, but who has for feveral years been confidered as poffeffing much more real than oftenfible power, departed totally from thefe temperate ideas of conduct which the minifter profeffed, and on which he valued himself. He was of opinion, that all attempts of conciliation would be fruitlefs; observed, that at any rate, a number of terms were to be made, and fecurities given, before conciliation could be obtained: That terms of force were the measures chalked out by his Majesty in the speech; attended, however, with conditions of conciliation, and gracious offers of forgivenefs and protection. On this foundation, the prefent vote on the estimates was propofed; but if premature explanations were defired; if the gentlemen who had pledged themselves to fupport those measures, had altered their minds, or had withdrawn their confidence from the King's fervants, he faw no poffible way to remedy matters but by a change of adminiftration. He, however, animadverted feverely on the cowardice of declining the conteft, almoft in, the very outfet, after their having gone fuch lengths in bringing mat→ ters to that crifis. This being confidered as the language of authority, was alfo understood, both by by the country gentlemen and oppofition, as fully tantamount to a declaration for war. The latter did not let it pafs without obfervation and ftricture. They faid, it was treating parliament with every poffible degree of difrefpect. Measures are concerted in the cabinet; the King is made by the minifters to exprefs the general intentions which they had there determined upon; the Houfe of Commons is defired to fupport thofe meafures, by voting an enormous wareftablishment; and when queftions are afked, and explanations are defired, even by the very friends of administration, the gentlemen who call for a plan are very laconically referred to the King's Speech. The fpeech holds out generals, and refers you to particulars; when thefe particulars are called for, the fpeech is quoted, as the true ftandard of information. After long debates, the queftion being put upon the first of the refolutions in the eftimate, was carried upon a divifion by the ufual majority, 227, to 73 who oppofed the refolution. The other refolutions were agreed to of course. To the KING. SIRE, Jan. 1778. IT is not impoffible that your Majesty, or fome of your minifters, may fee, and deign to read this letter.-In that i dea I venture to write it. The voluntary offers which have been made to your Majefty, of troops to be raised in England and Scotland, cannot fail foon to replace the lofs of men fuftained by the furrender of the little army under the gallant Burgoyne. But this is not all, for I am well informed, and my intelligence is from the best authority, that we are on the eve of a war with the united powers of France and Spain, This muft occafion new and great levies of troops; and, as it is the duty of every Briton to contribute all he can towards the good of his country, I fhould be blameable were I not at this juncture to fuggeft to your Majefty a method, by which you may have, in a very few months, an additional army, provided with the beft officers in Europe, from the general to the enfign, without either the trouble or expence of raifing it. Your Majefty has only to fay, Let it be, and the work is done. There are, in the fervice of France, Spain, Germany, and other powers, a very great number of Irish oflicers of all ranks, men of ability in their profeffion, and many, very many of them, hourly regret the dire neceffity that obliges them to ferve a foreign power, for a paltry fubfiftence. There are, in Ireland, and elsewhere, an infinite number of idle Roman Catholics, who only wait for permiffion to ferve their country. If, then, your Majefty would, with the concurrence of your parliament, caufe your royal proclamation to be iffued, granting a free pardon to all British and Irish officers in foreign fervice, without exception, provided they come home within a limited time, and promifing equal rank in your army to that which they hold abroad, and to all fuch as fhall, within another certain period, raife the number of men you shall think reafonable, in Ireland, or elsewhere, Thefe officers, Sir, will arrive in your dominions by hundreds; and they will no fooner thew themselves in Ireland, than thousands upon thousands will flock to their ftandard. - Our enemies will thus be deprived of their best officers: the Spaniards in particular will feel the lofs feverely; for the Irish are the flower of their army; and this country will gain many valuable fubjects, with excelthefe troops may be employed: - Canalent troops. I need not point out where da, any part of America, the Weft Indies, expeditions to the coafts of France and Spain :-they are fit for every thing, and intimately acquainted with the weak fides of every city or fortrefs; they will lead your troops to honour and to victory. It may be alledged, that the officers I mention ferve foreign princes through choice. To anfwer that, let inquiry be made of every honeft man in the land acquainted with them. I myself knew feveral officers in the Spanish fervice during my long refidence in that country, and one of my friends now in London, on whom I can depend, and who knows almoft all of them well and intimately, affures me, that when he has heard a measure of this kind hinted at, he has feen them overpowered with joy at the thought, and execrate their hard fate but never fax one yet who did not deelare, that he would prefer the fervice of his country, even in an inferior rank, to that of any other nation. e; I am neither an Irishman, nor a Ro- NEW NEW BOOKS; with the Prices, Publish- tend to the fame point, and to the illu ers names, Remarks, and Extracts. [The fignatures annexed, fhow to whom we are indebted for the remarks, &e.; M. denoting the Monthly, and C. the Critical Review; G. the Gentleman's Magazine, &c.] A View of Civil Society in Europe, in its progrefs from rudeness to refinement; or, Inquiries concerning the History of Law, Government, and Manners. By Gilbert Stuart, LL. D. 410. 18 s. boards. Edinburgh, Bell. TH His work is divided into two books. The first confifts of two chapters, } viz. 1. Of the Germans before they left their woods; 2. The political establishments of the barbarians after they had made conquefts. The fecond book confifts of fix chapters, viz. 1. Of the spirit of fiefs; 2. The progreffion of fiefs, &c.; 3. Of the military power of a feudal king. dom: 4. The fall of chivalry as a military eftablishment, &c.; 5. The military arrangements which prevailed in the declension of fiefs and chivalry; The introduction of standing armies; 6. Of manners and refinement, &c. Moft of the chapters are fubdivided into different fec. tions. We infert the Advertisement prefixed, and the Conclufion. ADVERTISEMENT. It is ufual to treat law, manners, and government, as if they had no connec. tion with hiftory, or with each other. Law and manners are commonly underflood to be nothing more than collections of ordinances, and matters of fact; and government is too often a foundation for mere fpeculation, and metaphyfical refinements. Yet law is only a fcience, when obferved in its fpirit and hiftory; government cannot be comprehended but by attending to the minute fteps of its rife and progreffion; and the fyftems of manners, which charaterife man in all the periods of fociety which pafs from rudeness to civility, cannot be difplayed without the difcrimination of thefe different fituations. It is in the records of hiftory, in the fcene of real life, not in the conceits and the abstractions of fancy and philofophy, that human nature is to be ftudied. But while it is in the hiftorical man ner, that laws, cuftoms, and government, are to be inquired into, it is obvions, that their dependence and connection are clofe and intimate. They all ftration of one another. It is from the confideration of them all, and in their union, that we are to explain the compli cated forms of civil fociety, and the wifdom and accident which mingle in human affairs. After this method I have endeavour ed to investigate my fubject. The topics I canvafs in the following fheets, are various, and conftitute a difficult and important branch of my undertaking. If I am fo fortunate as to obtain the fanction of the public approbation, I fhall proceed to fill up the picture I have begun, and confider, in future publications, civil jurisdiction, nobility, conftitutional law, and cultivated manners. The foundations of a work like this I have attempted, must be laws of barbarous ages, ancient records, and charters. Thefe I could not incorporate with propriety in my narrative. This inftructive, but taftelefs erudition, did not accord with the tenor of a portion of my performance, which I wished to addrefs to men of elegance, as well as to the learned. It confifted, however, with the fimpler and the colder ftyle of differtation. My proofs, accordingly, appear by themselves; and, in confequence of this arrangement, I might engage in incidental difcuffions; I might catch many rays of light that faintly glimmer in obfcure times; and I might defend the novelty of my opinions, when I ventured to oppose established tenets, and authors of reputation. Though I have employed much thought and affiduity to give a value to thefe papers, yet I communicate them to the public with the greatest diffidence. My materials were buried in the midst of rubbish, were detached, and unequal. I had to dig them up anxioufly, and with patience; and, when difcovered, and collected, it was ftill more difficult to digeft and to fashion them. I had to ftruggle with the darkness and imperfection of time and of barbarity. And from the most able historians of our own and foreign nations, who might naturally be expected to be intelligent guides for the paths I have chofen, I could derive no advantage. They generally prefer what is brilliant to what is ufeful; and they neglect all difquifitions into laws and into manners, that they may defcribe and embellish the politics of princes, and the fortunes of nations, the fplendid qualities of |