representation in the Parliament of this kingdom), would, we are persuaded, save us from heavy expenses, and deliver us from many oppressions; we will therefore do our duty to procure this reform, which appears to us of the utmost import

ance.

"VI. In short, we see with the most lively concern an army of place-men, pensioners, (meaning persons holding places and pensions under the government of this kingdom), etc., fighting in the cause of corruption and prejudice, and spreading the contagion far and wide, a large and highly expensive military establishment (meaning the military establishment of this kingdom), though we have a well-regulated militia; the increase of all kinds of robberies, riots, executions, etc., though the nation (meaning this kingdom) pays taxes equal to the whole land rental (meaning rental) of the kingdom, in order to have his property protected and secured; and is also obliged to enter into separate associations against felonious depredations a criminal code of laws (meaning the criminal code of laws of this kingdom) sanguine and inefficacious-a civil code (meaning the civil code of laws of this kingdom) so voluminous and mysterious as to puzzle the best understandings: by which means justice is denied to the poor (meaning the poor of this kingdom), on account of the expense attending the obtaining it. Corporations

(meaning corporations of this kingdom) under ministerial or party influence, swallowing up the importance, and acting against the voice of the people (meaning the people of this kingdom); penalties (meaning penalties) inflicted on those who accept of offices without conforming to the violation of their consciences and their rights, the voice of free inquiry drowned in prosecutions, and the clamors of the pensioned and interested; and we view with the most poignant sorrow a part of the people (meaning the people of this kingdom) deluded by a cry of the constitution and church in danger, fighting with the weapons of savages under the banners of prejudice against those who have their true interest at heart-we see with equal sensibility the present outcry against reforms, and a proclamation (meaning his said Majesty's royal proclamation) tending to cramp the liberty of the press, and discredit the true friends of the people, receiving the support of numbers of our countrymen-we see the continuation of oppressive game laws (meaning the game laws of this kingdom) and destructive monopolies; we see the education and comfort of the poor (meaning the poor of this kingdom) neglected, notwithstanding the enormous weight of the poor-rates; we see burdens multiplied, the lower classes (meaning the lower classes of the subjects of this kingdom) sinking into poverty, disgrace, and excesses; and the means of these

shocking abuses increased for the purpose of revenue for the same, and the excise laws (meaning the excise laws of this kingdom), those badges and sources of oppression, kept up and multiplied; and when we cast our eyes on a people just formed in a free community, without having had time to grow rich under a government by which justice is duly administered, the poor taught and comforted, property protected, taxes few and easy; and at an expense as small as that of our pension list-we ask ourselves, are we in England? Have our forefathers fought, and bled, and conquered, for liberty? And did they not think that the fruits of their patriotism would be more abundant in peace, plenty, and happiness? Are we always to stand still or go backward? Are our burdens (meaning the burdens of the subjects of this kingdom) to be as heavy as the most enslaved people? Is the condition of the poor (meaning the poor of this kingdom) never to be improved? Britain must have arrived at the highest degree of national happiness and prosperity, and our situation must be too good to be mended, or the present outery against reforms and improvements is inhuman and criminal; but we hope our condition will be speedily improved, and to obtain so desirable a good is the object of our present association, an (meaning an) union founded on principles of benevolence and humanity, disclaiming all connexion

Great

with riots and disorders, but firm in our purpose, and warm in our affections for liberty.

VII. Lastly, we invite the friends of freedom throughout Great Britain to form similar societies, and to act with unanimity and firmness, till the people (meaning the people of Great Britain) be too wise to be imposed upon, and their influence in the government be commensurate with their dignity and importance; then shall we be free and happy. By order of the society, S. Eyre, chairman (meaning the chairman to the said society)."

In Trinity term a rule was made in the usual way, on the motion of the prosecutor, for a special jury. Forty-eight jurors were struck; and in Easter term they were reduced by the parties to twenty-four. In the sittings after Easter the cause came on, and seven of the special jurors came into the box. Sir John Scott, the then AttorneyGeneral, did not pray a tales, and the trial went off as a remanet pro defectu juratorum.

In Michaelmas term the prosecutor, on a motion of course, took out a rule for a new special jury. This the defendants thought irregular.

On Friday, the 15th day of November, the Hon. Thomas Erskine moved the court as follows:

My lord, the motion which I am about to address to the court will deserve your lordship's particular attention, as it relates to one of the

most essential rights and liberties of the subjcet, the trial by jury.

Your lordship may recollect that at the sittings after the last term in this place, an information, filed by the Attorney-General, against the proprietors and printer of the Morning Chronicle, for a supposed libel in that newspaper, was called on for trial in the ordinary course of things. Seven of the special jurors, struck under the rule obtained by the Crown itself for the trial of the cause, appeared, and came into the box to be sworn; but the Attorney-General did not think proper to pray a tales to complete the panel. The cause, therefore, of course, went off pro defectu juratorum.

My lord, if any special reason existed why the jury so appearing should not be permitted to try the information when it came on again for trial, and the Crown had moved upon such special matter, verified by affidavit, to discharge the original rule under which jury was appointed, I should, according to the nature of the objections, have been prepared to give them an answer. But, my lord, no such proceedings have been had or attempted. The Crown has made no objection to the jurors, nor any motion in court to discharge the original rule under which the jury was impaneled; but assuming it to be the law that the rule was spent and expired, by the trial going over, for defect of jurors, they have, as a motion of course,