PREFACE. THIS pamphlet took its origin in the strong convictions of the author that the prosperous fortunes of Great Britain and of her people were, and must be in the future, inextricably bound up with those of the other communities of British race scattered throughout the world, and especially with those that are now united under the shadow of her empire; and that a failure on the part of Englishmen now to recognize this truth must lead them to danger and to disaster. No one can be more sensible than he is of the extreme incompleteness and imperfection of his attempt to consider one of the most gigantic questions of the present age. If he had seen that the men, who most justly command the confidence of Englishmen, and to whom they rightly look for advice on subjects, which not only require the exercise of practical wisdom, but also reasoning from the past and a long look into the future, were occupying themselves with this truly national concern, he would have hesitated to publish any of his own views, however well founded he might have believed them to be. But this has not been the case, and he has therefore ventured to tread on ground that might justly have been considered beyond his reach, if it had been previously occupied. It is his hope, that as even the smallest effort may, in concert with others, have some result, so may this have the effect, either of, in some degree, drawing the attention of the public to this great question, or of persuading some thinker of earnestness and weight to devote his abilities to its solution. There are many matters, such as the consideration of the number of members best fitted for carrying on the work of an Imperial House of Commons, which have been omitted, although they fall within the proper limits of the discussion in this pamphlet. The author has considered their omission preferable to further increasing its bulk. B 2 THE GOVERNMENT OF THE EMPIRE. No patriotic Englishman who regards the progress already made by his race in civilization, and in spreading it throughout the world, can look forward, without hope and confidence, to the part that race is destined to play in the future history of mankind. That this part will probably be a predominant one, the organized colonies of Great Britain, covering vast tracts of land in the most important parts of the globe, and apparently settled beyond chance of dişpossession, are a proof. The causes also which have produced this development are still at work. The material prosperity that has allowed early marriages, the magnificent improvidence with which they have been entered into, and the large families resulting therefrom, show no signs of diminution; while the enterprise continues which has transferred our redundant population to unoccupied or uncivilized countries in the temperate zones, and has formed communities of our countrymen in every part of the world for the purposes of commerce. As long as these outlets remain, we may look with satisfaction on any possible increase of our numbers, and even the individual hardships thereby produced, and must guard only, by stringent sanitary regulations, against a deterioration of physical type, and by a watchful discrimination of almsgiving, both legal and voluntary, against the moral evil of pauperism. The genius of the race has not been less displayed by the facility with which it has peopled our colonies, and has organized governments in them, than in the administrative power, shown especially by the educated classes, in ruling, with justice and for the general benefit, vast numbers of the people of alien races in India and the plantation colonies. England is not only a European power, an Asiatic power, a Colonial power, a Maritime power, a Christian power, and a Mahommedan power; she is a world-power, perhaps the only, certainly the greatest, world-power. We are so familiar with these facts, that a confidence has been created in our minds, both in the prosperous future of our race, and in the wisdom of continuing to rely unhesitatingly on the policy by which our present position with regard to our Colonial Empire has been attained. This policy has not been part of any wide and general scheme for national extension, but has been one of expediency, treating, as occasion required, and with little regard for uniformity, the circumstances of the various settlements of Englishmen. The process has, however, been one of growth, the true source of strength and per manence; and an empire has sprung up around us, full of life, full of promise, but without unity, unsettled, disjointed, fragmentary, and containing on every side opposing forces, powerful enough, if misdirected and unharmonized, to effect its disruption. The object of this paper is to make a few suggestions, as to the means by which our position can be organized and strengthened, and by which the development of the empire may proceed as vigorously as before, but within lines insuring unity and permanence. There is a very general consent that it is for the benefit of both England and her colonies, that a connection should be maintained between them as long as it is practicable and consonant, as now, with the wishes of Englishmen in all parts of the empire. I shall not attempt to analyze these benefits in an exhaustive manner, but will mention a certain number of them which affect both the mother-country and the colonies. The benefits to England herself, are both actual and prospective, and great as are the former of these in giving Great Britain profitable outlets for her surplus population and capital, her trade and energy, it may be that future and more comprehensive advantages ought to have the greater weight upon English opinion. Great Britain has now a population so large, as to render it improbable that it can ever maintain a very large increase of its numbers. But even if this were found practicable, still the maximum must some time be reached, and that within a limited period. In every healthy community the population is constantly increasing, and it may confidently be expected to do so here. It is therefore necessary to look forward to a time when the whole of this constant increase will have to be exported to other lands in search of subsistence. It will be of the deepest interest to the mother-country, where her emigrant sons shall betake themselves, whether to places in which they will retain their character as Englishmen, such as her colonies and dependencies are, or to other countries, in which they will be absorbed into, and become part of nations, either actually or possibly hostile to her. It cannot, I think, be doubted that it will be then a very great advantage to her to have suitable and rising colonies to which to send her surplus population. But if it were made a practice to abandon our present colonies as soon as they were in any way able to support themselves, no such places would remain in her possession, or be available for acquisition by her for the purpose. All those who value the corporate influence of Great Britain, as well as the individual influence of Englishmen as a power exercised throughout the world, in favour of free government, free trade, and freedom generally, would regret to see it dissipated and neutralized by subdivision and internal dissension. It is also improbable that the relative superiority of England to her colonies will always continue. We cannot look forward with any certainty to a |