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XXXVI.

1775.

CHAP submitted their report; upon which it was resolved, "that for the purpose of preserving the colonies in May. safety against every attempt to carry the unconstitutional and oppressive acts into execution by force of arms, these colonies be immediately put into a state of defence; but that with a sincere desire of contributing by all the means, not incompatible with a just regard for the undoubted rights and true interests of these colonies, to the promotion of this most desirable reconciliation, an humble and dutiful petition be presented to his majesty."

To this extent the vote was unanimous. But the additional motion of Duane was carried against an unyielding opposition, and did not advance the prospect of a peaceful solution. The acts altering the charter and laws of Massachusetts, were among those which the king was determined never to give up; and from the first commencement of the conflict, he declared himself more ready to concede independence to victorious arms, than wound his own sentiment of honor. by a voluntary surrender of the measures which he had adopted for the government of a rebellious colony. The motion of Duane had no practical significance, unless it was intended to accept the proposition of Lord North as the basis for an agreement; but the majority would never consent to sacrifice the charter of Massachusetts. The position which they chose was, therefore, weak and untenable. By their wavering they led the people to neglect that steady system of resistance, which nothing but independence could justify or reward, and to wait listlessly for an accommodation; while the king gained a respite, which he employed with singleness of purpose in collecting

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forces for subduing his revolted subjects. They di- CHAP. rected preparations for defence, and yet they would 1775. not authorize the several colonies to institute govern- May. ments of their own. As a consequence, the people were not fully roused to the necessity of immediate and united action; and the officers of the crown, wherever they practised the duplicity of moderation, were able to maintain themselves in authority and continue their intrigues.

All this while, congress had misgivings that all their forbearance would be fruitless. They counselled New York to arm and train its militia, and with vigorous perseverance to embody men for the protection of the inhabitants of that city against the invasion of troops, alleging as a reason that "it was very uncertain whether their earnest endeavors to accommodate the unhappy differences between Great Britain and the colonies, by conciliatory measures, would be successful."

The support of the Canadians was also entreated, for it was recognised that the impending conflict was not a war of protestantism, but of humanity. On the first day of May, the Quebec act went into effect; and on the twenty-ninth, the American congress, by the hand of Jay, addressed the Canadians: "We most sincerely condole with you on the arrival of that day, in the course of which the sun could not shine on a single freeman in all your extensive dominions. By the introduction of your present form of government, or rather present form of tyranny, you and your wives and your children are made slaves." Appeals were also directed to their pride, their affection for France, their courage, and their re

May.

CHAP. gard for the common welfare; but no adequate moXXXVI. tive for rising was set before them. As the congress 1775. intended still to petition the king, they could only request some vague co-operation in imploring the attention of their sovereign; a request which at most was only fitted to secure neutrality. The Canadians, as Frenchmen, feared not taxation by parliament, but the haughty dominion of their conquerors; as Catholics they dreaded the exclusive rule of Protestants. A union for independence with a promise of institutions of their own, might have awakened their enthusiasm; but to them the Quebec act was an improvement on their former condition; and they abhorred it less than a fraudulent representative system like that of Ireland. Their sympathy for the insurgents sprung mainly from a recollection of their own sufferings under the twelve years' tyranny which had gone by; and could be revived and sustained by nothing less than a total separation from English rule.

The day after the adoption of Jay's address to the Canadians, Willing of Philadelphia, one of those who most struggled to thwart every step towards independence, brought before congress a paper, containing propositions from Lord North, in the handwriting of Grey Cooper, his under secretary of the treasury. As the king had refused to treat with an American congress, the writing had no signature; but its authenticity was not questioned. By an appeal to affection for the king and country, it pressed earnestly the acceptance of the overture contained in the resolution of the house of commons. It was declared that the terms were honorable for Great Britain and safe for the colonies; and that neither

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May.

king, nor ministry, nor parliament, nor the nation, CHAP. would admit of further relaxation; but that "a perfectly united ministry would, if necessary, employ the 1775. whole force of the kingdom to reduce the rebellious and refractory provinces and colonies." The arrogance of the language in which this ultimatum was couched, should have ensured its prompt and unanimous rejection, and have nerved congress to immediate decision. But it was laid on the table of the body, which was bent on a petition to the king, and "a negotiation" with his ministers. The month of May went by, and congress had not so much as given to Massachusetts its advice that that province should institute a government of its own; it authorized no invasion of Canada, and only yielded its assent to the act of Connecticut in garrisoning Ticonderoga and Crown Point. If great measures are to be adopted, the impulse must come from without.

CHAPTER XXXVII.

MASSACHUSETTS ASKS FOR GEORGE WASHINGTON AS COM-
MANDER IN CHIEF.

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1775.

June.

JUNE 1-JUNE 17, 1775.

CHAP. IN obedience to the injunctions of Lord North and Lord Dartmouth, who earnestly wished that the effort should be made to reconcile some one of the several colonial assemblies to their insidious offer, the first day of June, 1775, saw the house of burgesses of Virginia convened for the last time by a British governor. Peyton Randolph, the speaker, who had been attending as president the congress at Philadelphia, arrived at Williamsburg with an escort of independent companies of horse and foot, which eclipsed the pomp of the government, and in the eyes of the people raised the importance of the newly created continental power. The session was opened by a speech recommending accommodation on the narrow basis of the resolve which the king had accepted. But the moment chosen for the discussion was inopportune; Dunmore's menace to raise the standard of a servile insurrection, and set the slaves upon their masters, with British arms in their hands,

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