would be fairly and thoroughly canvassed in all its relations, foreign, provincial, and domestick.

The Duke of Grafton, the minister, instantly arose and declared, that so far from opposing the motion he would second it, and was prepared to meet the noble lord upon the momentous question whenever the house thought proper. For the present, he meant only to exculpate himself from some severe reflections which he thought were directed particularly and personally against himself. After repelling these he went however, with hasty steps over the ground which had been previously travelled by lord Rockingham, and vindicated with his usual candour and ability, the measures that were so acrimoniously and indecently arraigned.

The

Lord Chatham followed him in the debate. speech which he delivered on the occasion we are induced to preserve as a celebrated example of bold, ardent, and impetuous eloquence. Though often commended, we confess that it is not altogether to our taste. There will be found, at least in parts of it, little of that dignity of manner, or moderation of temper which became the leading member of the first deliberative assembly of the world. Its language has more of the violence of passionate invective than the energy of truth, or the sublimity of genuine enthusiasm. Its sentiments, considering especially the embarrassed conjuncture in which his country was placed at the time, are such as surely wisdom would not have dictated, or honest patriotism approved. It exhibits no power of argument, no enlarged views of policy, no splendour of imagery, and none of the embellishments of taste. It has the verba ardentia, and the energy of declamation, and these are its only merits.

It is the vehement harangue of a Tiberius Gracchus to inflame a populace and to excite their noisy acclamations, not an eloquent and well reasoned effort to sway the decisions of a house of lords, or to command the applause of enlightened criticism.

MY LORDS,

SPEECH, &c.

I MEANT to have arisen immediately to second the motion made by the noble lord. The charge which the noble duke seemed to think affected himself particularly, did undoubtedly demand an early answer. It was proper he should speak before me, and I am as ready as any man to applaud the decency and propriety with which he has expressed himself.

I entirely agree with the noble lord, both in the necessity of your lordships concurring with the motion, and in the principles and arguments by which he has very judiciously supported it. I see clearly, that the complexion of our government has been materially altered; and I can trace the origin of the alteration up to a period, which ought to have been an era of happiness and prosperity to this country.

My lords, I shall give you my reasons for concurring with the motion, not methodically, but as they occur to my mind. I may wander, perhaps, from the exact parliamentary debate; but I hope I shall say nothing but what may deserve your attention, and what, if not strictly proper at present, would be fit to be said, when the state of the nation shall come to be considered. My uncertain state of health must plead my excuse. I am now in some pain, and very probably may not be able to attend my duty when I desire it most, in this house. I thank God, my lords, for having thus long preserved, so inconsiderable a being as I am, to take a part upon this great occasion, and to contribute my endeavours, such as they are, to restore, to save, to confirm the constitution.

My lords, I need not look abroad for grievances. The grand capital mischief is fixed at home. It corrupts the very foundation of our political existence, and preys upon the vitals of the state. The constitution has been grossly violated. The constitution at this moment stands violated. Until that wound be healed, until the grievance be redressed, it is in vain to recommend union to parliament; in vain to pro

mote concord among the people. If we mean seriously to unite the nation within itself, we must convince them that their complaints are regarded, that their injuries shall be redressed. On that foundation I would take the lead in recommending peace and harmony to the people. On any other, I would never wish to see them united again. If the breach in the constitution be effectually repaired, the people will of themselves return to a state of tranquillity-if not, may discord prevail forever. I know to what point this doctrine and this language will appear directed. But I feel the principles of an Englishman, and I utter them without apprehension or reserve. The crisis is indeed alarming. So much the more does it require a prudent relaxation on the part of government. If the king's servants will not permit a constitutional question to be decided on, according to the forms, and on the principles of the constitution, it must then be decided in some other manner; and rather than it should be given up, rather than the nation should surrender their birthright to a despotick minister, I hope, my lords, old as I am, I shall see the question brought to issue, and fairly tried between the people and the government. My lord, this is not the language of faction; let it be tried by that criterion, by which alone we can distinguish what is factious from what is not by the principles of the English constitution. I have been bred up in these principles; and know, that when the liberty of the subject is invaded, and all redress denied him, resistance is justified. If I had a doubt upon the matter, I should follow the example set us by the most reverend bench, with whom I believe it is a maxim, when any doubt in point of faith arises, or any question of controversy is started, to appeal at once to the greatest source and evidence of our religion-I mean the Holy Bible. The constitution has its Political Bible, by which, if it be fairly consulted, every political question may, and ought to be determined. Magna Charta, the Petition of Rights and the Bill of Rights, form that code which, I call the Bible of the English Constitu

tion. Had some of his majesty's unhappy predecessors trusted less to the comments of their ministers; had they been better read in the text itself, the glorious revolution would have remained only possible in theory, and would not now have existed upon record a formidable example to their successours.

My lords, I cannot agree with the noble duke, that nothing less than an immediate attack upon the honour or interest of this nation, can authorize us to interpose in defence of weaker states, and in stopping the enterprises of an ambitious neighbour. Whenever that narrow, selfish policy, has prevailed in our councils, we have constantly experienced the fatal effects of it. By suffering our natural enemies to oppress the powers, less able than we are to make a resistance, we have permitted them to increase their strength, we have lost the most favourable opportunities of opposing them with success; and found ourselves at last obliged to run every hazard, in making that cause our own, in which we were not wise enough to take part, while the expense and danger might have been supported by others. With respect to Corsica I shall only say, that France has obtained a more useful and important acquisition in one pacifick campaign, than in any of her belligerent campaigns; at least while I had the honour of administering the war against her. The word may, perhaps, be thought singular. I mean only while I was the minister, chiefly intrusted with the conduct of the war. I remember, my lords, the time when Lorrain was united to the crown of France; that too was, in some measure, a pacifick conquest; and there were people who talked of it, as the noble duke now speaks of Corsica. France was permitted to take and keep possession of a noble province; and, according to his grace's ideas, we did right in not opposing it. The effect of these acquisitions, is, I confess not immediate; but they unite with the main body by degrees, and, in time, make a part of the national strength. I fear, my lords, it is too much the temper of this country to be insen

sible of the approach of danger, until it comes with accumulated terrour upon us.

My lords, the condition of his majesty's affairs in Ireland, and the state of that kingdom within itself, will undoubtedly make a very material part of your lordships' inquiry. I am not sufficiently informed to enter into the subject so fully as I could wish; but by what appears to the publick, and from my own observation, I confess I cannot give the ministry much credit for the spirit or prudence of their conduct. I see, that even where their measures are well chosen, they are incapable of carrying them through without some unhappy mixture of weakness or imprudence. They are incapable of doing entirely right. My lords, I do, from my conscience, and from the best weighed principles of my understanding, applaud the augmentation of the army. As a military plan, I believe it has been judiciously arranged. In a political view, I am convinced it was for the welfare, for the safety of the whole empire. But, my lords, with all these advantages, with all these recommendations, if I had the honour of advising his majesty, I would never have consented to his accepting the augmentation, with that absurd dishonourable condition, which the ministry have submitted to annex to it. My lords, I revere the just prerogative of the crown, and would contend for it as warmly as for the rights of the people. They are linked together, and naturally support each other. I would not touch a feather of the prerogative. The expression, perhaps, is too light; but since I have made use of it, let me add, that the entire command and power of directing the local disposition of the army is the royal prerogative, as the master feather in the eagle's wing; and, if I were permitted to carry the allusion a little further, I would say, they have disarmed the imperial bird, the "Ministrum Fulminis Alitem." The army is the thunder of the crown. The ministry have tied up the hand which should direct the bolt.

My lords, I remember that Minorca was lost for want of four battalions. They could not be spared