fhall be deemed the net annual profit of the company's trade.] 3. That the faid profits fhall be, excluGive of bullion, imported to Europe from India during the term of five years, which the company agree fhall be equally divided between them and the public. 4. That the company fhall not be retrained from dividing eleven per cent. on their capital at Midfummer 1769; and when their fimple-contract debts bearing intereft are discharged, they may divide twelve one half per cent. for the remainder of the five years, the time of this 6. That the company's capital be increafed 400,000 1. each proprietor of 8001. 3.22. ftock to have 100l. additional stock at 6.5 250 per cent. 5 27.57 thele And in cafe of a war in Europe, charges to be 32 per cent. The form, therefore, of making up the account will be as follows. There fhall every year be taken an account of the company's grofs fales for one year, ending the 1st of March, to which hall be added luch fums as may be paid into the company's treafury in England for bills drawn on the prefidencies in India and China. And from the faid account fhall be deducted the expences on the faid fales, confifting of the following articles. What fhall be due for bills drawn upon the company in England for the like va lue paid into their treasuries in India and China. The amount of all goods and bullion exported. What fhall be due to government for indemnity on tea. And in lieu of freight, and all other charges whatever, twenty-feven one half per cent. and in cafe of a war thirty-two per cent. as before stated. The remainder, after thefe deductions, 7. That the company's charter be prolonged fourteen years beyond the present term, for which they agree to pay the fum of 500,000 l. in the courfe of the year 1769. 8. And that the company be impowered to borrow on bond 400,000 1. Though these two propofitions were offered to the Lords of the Treasury, for them to make choice of the one that thould appear beft calculated to comprelend the mutual advantage of the public and the company; yet it is natural to fuppofe, that No II. has been rejected, as there has been no notice taken of it by their Lordships. After the proposals were read, the chairman informed the proprietors, that the court of directors had, on the preceing day, taken into confideration the anfwer they had received from the treasuryboard, and had come to the following re folution. of the directors propofitions; but that a further reprefentation be made, fetting forth the neceffity for a prolongation of the charter for five years, and of a power being given to borrow 500,000l. on bond, in cafe the exigency of the company's affairs fhould require it; and that it be further represented, that the company have no intention of leffening the value of their exports, yet nevertheless cannot confent to lay themselves under covenant to do that which must depend upon the flate of the markets abroad, there being already a specific clause in the charter relative to the exports." After which a debate enfued, which lafted until paft five o'clock, when it appeared to be the sense of a great majority of the proprietors who spoke, that the propofition (even though every article of it had been agreed to by the Lords of the Treasury) had not been formed upon a plan fuitable to the interests of the com pany. They seemed to be all unanimous in thinking that a share, and a liberal one too, should be allotted to the public from thefe foreign revenues; but that if the money is to be paid in England, the_public fhould not be fecured in a fixed determinate fum, whilft the proprietors were left to all the contingencies incident to an Indian war, befides those of com merce, in bringing home the returns of their merchandise, and the produce of their foreign revenues. It also appeared, that the directors had been by no means unanimous in the above refolution of their court.-Some of them gave very forcible reasons for their diffent; whilst others with equal confidence, (and one of them with fome vehemence), fupported their opinions in having agreed to it, yet it was evident they had been led to make thefe offers, rather from a perfuafion that they could not obtain better terms from the prefent ministry, than from a conviction that they were confiftent with the intereft of the company, or even fuch as in their own opinion the company had a title to ask, and would have obtained, if they had not concluded fuch an abfurd bargain two years ago. Upon the whole, the debate was carried on with great moderation and good order, and, what is rather remarkable in Leadenhall-street meetings, with lefs animoty and acrimony without than within the bar. Publ. Adv. BOHEMIA. Moral forefts and deferts. GERMANY. Its heroes, like Italian pictures, fhew beft at a distance: the reft parcel out to deferts, petty tyrants, priests, pedigreed beggars, and pedants, and all her neighbours know Germany. Yet this is the mother of Arminius and Frederick; of Leibnitz and Wolfe; of Handel and Graun; of Mengs and Donner; of Winkelman and Reimarus. SWITZERLAND. The land of liberty.—Trade, taste, knowledge, difcovery among the Proteftants, vigour in all; despisers of death; flaves of money abroad. Abroad a con temptible fwarm of valets, clerks, officers, artists, schemers; the leeches of fools. The domain of liberty and property, the country of extremes. Virtue is here divine, vice infernal. Here are liberty of confcience, political liberty, civil li berty, commercial liberty, liberty of thought, tongue, and pen, to and beyond the limits of the most profligate licence; news-papers, magazines, pamphlets, registers; heaven and earth a job; turfs, cockpits, clubs, Maccaroni's, blackguards, ftocks, lotteries, fchemes, lame ducks, clever fellows, humour, and Novembers big with fuicide; poft-chaifes, Italian mufic and pictures, but few ears or eyes; the neft of foreigners; the country of Shakespeare, Newton, Hogarth. FRANCE. The country of CITOYENS and MODE. Here things are estimated by their air: a watch may be a master-piece, without exactnefs; and a woman rule the town, without beauty, if he has an air. Here life is a dance, and aukwardness of step its great difgrace.. Character here is diffolved into the public, and an original a name of mirth. Cela le fait, &cela ne fe fait pas, are here the fupreme umpires of conduct. Their religion is fuperftition, fashion, fophifm; the ladies lay on rouge in equilateral fquares, and powder with brick-duft. Tyranny may grind the face, but not the countenance of a Frenchman; his feet are made to dance in wooden fhoes. The parliaments refemble an old toothlefs maftiff. France was the country of Le Sueur and Racine, and is that of Voltaire. SPAIN. The dregs of a nation two centuries paft, the arbiters of Europe, and leaders of discovery. Still fenfe, fagacity, and cool courage, are tamely fubmitted here to the iron yoke of inquifition; and each note of humanity drowned in the yells of Dominic's victims. The prerogatives of fociety moulder here in provincial archives. Thefe are the execrable lords of one hemifphere, and the humble factors of Europe. To fee a fceptre in the gripe of women: Confeflors and favourites make no characteristic of Spain; nor is the country of Calderon and Cervantes, more than its neighbours, the land of ignorance, vanity, indolence, poverty, envy. PORTUGAL. Something of literature and history, glare, gallantry, fuperftition, earthquakes, daggers, inquifition, the bloody dawns of an uncertain day, the country of Ca noens. ITALY. An unweeded garden, its inhabitants flies bred on a dead horfe. Slavery, and licence. Each moral principle the pimp of pampered organs: The country of arts, tricks, caftration, and banditti; of Raphael, Goldoni, Farinelli, Archangeli. To JOHN WILKES. I Cannot, my friend, conceal my fur prife at this your fecond refolution of being an Alderman; I am fure it cannot be thine own free will and choice: I know thou defpifeft the grandeur and vanity of this world; thou only doeft this to pleafe thy friends in power; or (as fome people fay, though I cannot believe it) thofe, I know not whether to fay in or out of power, the Mobility. Thou canst not think that an Aldermanship will add any happinefs to thy life; for if thou thinkest that feafting, which is the characteristic of an Alderman, will give thee any pleasure, alas! how art thou mistaken! it is a pleasure that lasteth but for a moment, it vanifheth away like a dream, and it is gone. Perhaps thou expectest to reap fome joy from the grandeur of that carriage which is faid to be now building for thee; but let me tell thee, my friend, it is nought but vanity: though the populace fhould yoke themselves, and (fince I have not heard thou art at prefent mafter of any other a. nimals) draw it for thee, it could not give thee half the happiness that innocency could; innocency, that jewel of the foul, which not all the jewellers of England or Paris, nay not even those jewels thy felf haft obtained, can equal. Therefore, my friend, I advile thee to retire, and efcape from the noife and vanity of the world, as foon as thou art able: retire to fome place diftant from this troublefome town, where thou mayest live in true felicity with thy wife and family, fometimes, whilft thou lookeft back with forrow on thy time foolishly confumed in these frivolous contentions, remembering thy true and faithful friend and adviser, A QUAKER. AME AMERICAN PAPERS, &c. [xxx. 690.]lative authority by an act of the late ny of New York deprived of her legitBritish parliament; and with equal concern we obferve, that duties for the fole To the King's Most Excellent Majefty. WE your Majefly's dutiful and loyal We want words to express the deep fense we have of your great condefcenflon, goodness, and justice, in moft graciously hearing our complaints against the late American ftamp-act, and giving your royal affent to the repeal thereof; and cannot omit this occafion of reiterating Our gratitude and most humble thanks for the fame. [xxviii. 419.] We are perfectly latisfied that we lie under all poffible obligations to our parent-country; we acknowledge all due fubordination to the British parliament; we are convinced that it is our intereft, as well as duty, to use our conftant endeavours, by every act of gratitude, o bedience, and loyalty, to endear ourfelves to every branch of that auguft body, and to preferve that union and harmony between G. Britain and thele colonies, on which the fafety, ftrength, wealth, and happiness of the whole empire fo much depends. But permit us, Royal Sir, as lovers of Britain and our excellent conftitution, as folicitous to enjoy the rights and liber ties of freemen and Englishmen, and to tranfmit them to our pofterity, as your faithful and loyal fubjects, to proftrate ourselves at your royal feet, and humbly to implore your gracious attention to the following particulars, which ftrike us, and all the good people we reprefent, with the most dreadful apprehenfion and affliction. With the most humiliating forrow we have beheld your Majesty's ancient colo and express purpose of railing a revenue in America, have been lately impofed, by other acts of the fame parliament, upon feveral articles of commerce imported into these colonies which we are obliged to purchase. By the operation of these acts, our afsembly will be no longer the representa tives of a free people, but deprived of the right of exercising their own judge ments, in confulting the good and profperity of their conflituents; our money will be taken from us without our confent, and we shall not be allowed the opportunity of the wing our willingness to contribute towards the support of go. vernment, adminiftration of justice, and defence of our country. These measures and proceedings appear to us truly alarming; and if continued, or drawn in to example, muft, in our humble opinion, be totally deftructive of our property, liberty, and happiness. This fenfe of our deplorable condition will, we hope, plead with your Majesty in our behalf, for the freedom we take in dutifully remonstrating against the proceedings of a British parliament, confeffedly the wifeft and greatest assembly upon earth. But if our fellow-fubjects of G. Britain, who derive no authority from us; who cannot, in our humble opinion, represent us; and to whom we will not yield in loyalty and affection to your Majefty, can, at their will and pleasure, of right give and grant away our property; if they can enforce an implicit obedience to every order or act of theirs for that purpose, and deprive all, or any of the aflemblies on this continent of the power of legiflation, for differing with them in opinion in matters which intimately affect their rights, interests, and every thing that is dear and valuable to Englifhmen; we cannot imagine a case more miferable; we cannot think that we shall have even the fhadow of liberty left. We conceive it to be an inherent right in your Majesty's fubjects, derived to them from God and nature, handed down from their ancestors, and confirmed by your royal predeceffors and the conftitution, in perfon, or by their representatives, to give and grant to their fovereign thofe things which their own labours and their own cares have acquired and faved; and in such proportions, and at such times, as the national honour and interest may require. Your Majesty's faithful fubjects of this government have enjoyed this ineftimable privilege uninterrupted from its first existence till of late. They have at all times chearfully contributed, to the utmost of their abilities, for your Majefty's service, as often as your royal requifitions were made known. And they cannot now, but with the greatest uneafiness and diftrefs of mind, part with the power of demonftrating their loyalty and affection to their beloved king. When it is confidered, that your Ma. jefty has a negative upon our laws, and the fole execution of them; that our governor is only during your royal pleafure; and all honours and diftinctions are derived from the crown, it is humbly hoped, that the dependence of this colony on the mother-country will appear to be futficiently fecured. We are not infenfible, that it must fill your Majefty with concern, to perceive any uneafinéfs among your subjects, and to fee claims fet up by one part of your dominions denied by another part; we allo know, the wisdom, valour, wealth, grandeur, and power of your fubjects within the realm, may intitle them to your royal favour in preference to the people on this continent: but we are your fubjects alfo, and we fubmit our cause to your juftice, prudence, and goodness; thefe, we reft affured, will appear in our behalf. Moft Gracious Sovereign, WE most humbly ask pardon for prefuming to give your Majefty the trouble of this reprefentation, which has proceeded from our love to our country, our care for our pofterity, and the paf fionate concern we have for our darling liberty. Our only hope, next under God, is in your Sacred Majefty, that by your great wisdom and goodness we fhall be relieved from our present diftreffing ap• prehenfions. We therefore, Dread Sir, moft humbly implore your royal interpofition in our behalf; and we truft, as our fellow subjects in Britain are generous, fenfible, and humane, this our application will meet with a favourable iffùe. Permit us to repeat the unfeigned pro feffions of our unalterable fidelity and affection to your Majefty's facred perfon and government, our zeal for the continuance of the Proteftant fucceffion in your illuftrious house, and our tender affection for our parent-country; and, at the fame time, to express our most fincere and ardent wifhes, that your Majefty's reign may be long, happy, and glorious; and that all your pious endeavours for fupporting the religious and civil rights of your fubjects, may be blessed with the most profperous success. Signed by the order of the House, State-House, Oct.27.1768. Some new experiments on the prefervation of corn, by M. du Hamel, From the history of the Royal Academy of Sciences at Paris, for the year 1765, just published. THE prefervation of corn requires two indifpenfable operations: The first, to deprive it of the moisture it contains, which would foon occafion rotteuness; and the fecond, to fecure it from the ravage of animals and infects. We fhould be deceived, if we imagined that the fort of drying which corn receives from the fun and the external air, at the time of its maturity, took away from it a fufficient degree of moisture to keep it from fpoiling. This drying may at most be fufficient to hinder its being damaged, to long as it is kept in fheaves in the barn or elsewhere; but other precautions are neceffary to preferve it, when it is threfhed out, and separated from its ear. In the first trials made by M. du Hamel he employed the action of the venti, lator: He laid up his corn in a wooden cheft with two bottoms, of which the upper was a fort of grating of wood covered with a canvas ; and the pipe of a ventilator, introduced between these two bottoms, forced, by the play of this in ftrument, the air to pass through the whole depth of the mass of corn. This was already gaining much on the laying out and the manner of airing corn by ftirring it with the fhovel. But be foon perceived, that, unless this operation, which is always troublefore and coftly, was long repeated, the corn was still in danger of being heated; and the ventilator, befides, did nothing more than difturb the infects, without destroying either them or their eggs. He therefore fought after a more efficacious |