CH. IV.]

LUCCHESINI OPENS THE KING'S EYES.

147

of affairs in that quarter. He was a brother-in-law of Bischoffswerder, but an intimate friend of Manstein. Like the latter, he regarded the Austrian alliance which the former had concluded, as a folly; but he also considered that his military colleague had thoughtlessly entered on a path which could lead to no result at all. The first thing that Lucchesini remarked was that Dumouriez had shown no credentials from his Minister; nay, that in the present anarchical state of Paris, it was doubtful whether the Minister himself had the power to conduct such a negotiation. He then dwelt npon the fact that Dumouriez alone derived any advantage from the previous truce, which rendered his sincerity doubly questionable, while nothing was more certain than that the very appearance of treating with the enemy would place Prussia in a false light in the eyes of her allies. The truth of these representations forcibly struck the King—who was, however, entirely cured of his war fever, and extremely desirous of an honourable settlement--and he thought that he had been very inconsiderately involved in dealings with the Republicans. In this mood he received the memorial of Dumouriez, which was very ill adapted for its purpose; the King was extremely angry when Dumouriez-in speaking of Prussia's adhering to the Coalition-said, among other things, that he (the King) would thereby sacrifice the weal of his State to an illusory sentiment of honour. Manstein was told to reply, that Dumouriez was welcome to his own principles, but that the King regarded fidelity to his allies as his highest duty. High words were exchanged on this point, and the King, to use Lucchesini's polite expression, "was not restrained by his kindness of heart from expressing in strong language his displeasure with the Colonel," as the originator of such a negotiation. A portion of the royal anger fell on the Duke of Brunswick, who was compelled to issue a new manifesto on the 28th, in which he repeated all the threats of July against the French. The King himself was desirous of renewing hostilities without delay; the Emigrés were in

raptures, and the Russian chargé d'affaires, Prince NassauSiegen, offered to beg his Empress to send a Russian army to join in the Spring campaign. But even the Duke, in spite of his temporary loss of favour, did not find it difficult to hinder any active proceedings, as the relative position of the two armies was entirely changed since the 20th. In an engagement with sick and exhausted troops against an enemy double in number, nothing could be looked for but entire defeat. On this head Lucchesini entirely agreed with the Duke, and the idea of a battle was abandoned as soon as mooted.

If the Prussians were not to fight, their retreat became every moment more urgently necessary. It was already sufficiently dangerous for them to make their way through the boggy passes of the Argonnes, with an army in superior numbers on their flank. Benoit and Westermann arrived at an opportune moment. If Dumouriez had hitherto reaped all the military advantages of the truce, it was now the turn of the Prussians to lessen the evils of their retreat by skilfully prolonging the negotiations.

CH. V.]

CHAPTER V.

RETREAT FROM FRANCE.

149

FIRST PARTY CONTESTS IN THE CONVENTION.-ALL PARTIES IN FAVOUR OF WAR AND CONQUEST.-PROPAGANDA IN ITALY AND SWITZERLAND.-MONTESQUIOU IN SAVOY.-ATTEMPT UPON GENEVA.-CUSTINE IN SPIRES AND FRANKFORT.-DUMOURIEZ AND KELLERMANN IN FAVOUR OF PEACE.FRUITLESS NEGOTIATIONS FOR A SEPARATE PEACE.-] -BRUNSWICK'S PLANS AGAINST THE MEUSE FORTRESSES.-RECALL OF THE AUSTRIAN TROOPS.CONDUCT OF FRANCIS II.-SPIELMANN'S MISSION TO HEAD-QUARTERS.NEGOTIATIONS AT LUXEMBOURG.-THE MERLE NOTE.

DURING the first days of the Convention, the Gironde, which had lately had to tremble for its very existence, possessed no small prospect of acquiring absolute supremacy in France. It predominated in the Ministry, because Danton, when chosen member of the Convention by the Electors of Paris, had resigned his portefeuille, and Roland's influence subsequently prevailed in home affairs. The Gironde could likewise, in most cases, reckon on a majority in the Convention itself. Most of the elections had been carried in direct opposition. to the aims of the Parisian Commune and the Septembrists; against whose dictatorship there was a general feeling, which would have enabled the Gironde, had they made use of all the means in their power, at once to crush their opponents. The Jacobins could not conceal this fact from themselves. "All France is against us," said the younger Robespierre on the 29th in the rostra of the Jacobin Club, "our only hope lies in the citizens of Paris." Whereupon Desfieux raised his warning voice and said: "Friends and associates, do not place too much confidence even in this last prospect; it is only too certain that even here in Paris we should be beaten

1 Buchez, XX. 300.

in any election which was made by secret vote." The Club therefore prescribed to itself the strictest caution, and an almost timid attitude of defence. The September murders were never mentioned except with the intention of partly denying, and partly excusing them; and Collot d'Herbois was looked upon as an incautious man, when he, on one occasion, exclaimed without any circumlocution. "The 2nd of September is the creed of our party.”

But though the majority of the Convention was no doubt hostile to the Jacobins, it was not yet fully under the guidance of the Gironde. It was a similar case to that of the defunct Assembly; by far the greater part of the Deputies kept aloof from all party discipline whatever, and each individual voted according to his impressions at the moment. Only about 30 adhered unconditionally to the Girondist party, and we shall see that even these frequently took different sides on the most important questions. The removal of this disadvantage ought to have been all the more zealously aimed at, because the Mountain held together like one man.

Nearly all the members of the Convention held revolutionary opinions. The measures taken by the Commune of Paris and its associates in the Provinces, had at any rate effected thus much, that the adherents of the ancien régime, and the professed constitutionalists, had refrained from taking any part in the Elections. Even La Vendée-which was soon to manifest in the most violent manner the opinions and feelings of its entire population by a royalist revolt-had elected radical deputies. The Gironde, too, sympathised in the democratic tendencies of the majority of its colleagues; it was only in so far conservative, as it feared the daggers of September for itself; in all other respects it still retained its destructive principles. It was not therefore in a condition to rally round it the other parties of the Right, the Constitutionalists and Priests, the Royalists and Feudalists for the struggle against the Jacobins; and by

CHV] ATTEMPT TO RECONCILE THE GIRONDE & THE MOUNTAIN 151

most of its legal enactments it undermined every inch of ground which it had gained from the extreme Left by its Police decrees. In such a position of affairs, the most natural course would have been a reconciliation of the two parties on the basis of a fair division of personal influence; for this last was the only essential point of dispute. There was scarcely any difference of opinion as to the objects to be aimed at-only as to the means to be employed. An attempt in this direction was really made in the first days of the Convention; the party leaders held a meeting, and Danton, especially, exhorted them to concord.

But the blood of September flowed between them; the Girondists demanded revenge for the threats directed against themselves, and rejected the proposal of a mutual amnesty almost as a crime; whereupon Robespierre abruptly and haughtily broke up the conference.

On the 22nd, the Convention ordered a new election of all the Government officials throughout the whole of France. Before the month of August, almost all the Departmental authorities had manifested constitutional opinions, and were consequently abolished together with the constitution which they represented. On the 23rd, Danton carried a similar decree against the legal functionaries. Billaud wished to do away with the Courts of law altogether, since, he said, two umpires, named in each case by the contending parties, would answer every purpose. He did not carry his point, yet the choice of law officers was no longer restricted to professional lawyers, on the ground that they formed a particularly scandalous Aristocracy.

After this specimen of its democratic sentiments, the Convention heard an address from the Minister Roland on the general state of the country. His report was a melancholy testimony to the effects of the Revolution, and told of the crippling of agriculture, the ruin of manufactures, the annihilation of commerce, and the decay of national institutions and public edifices. At the same time he gave in