result. In the German Empire, many of the more powerful Princes were in a state of irritation against Austria, whose recent friendship with Prussia-hitherto looked upon as the firmest bulwark against Imperial encroachment-excited the liveliest apprehensions in Bavaria and Würtemberg, in Cassel and Hanover. In his own provinces also, Leopold found abundant sources of future dangers. No one trusted the present calm in Hungary, and in the lately subjected Belgium, affairs were so far from being in a settled and consolidated state, that the Estates of Brabant were in open opposition to the Government, and the Imperial generals were loudly calling for reinforcements. In foreign affairs, the Polish question-the next in importance to the French-was still unsettled, and daily presented fresh difficulties. Leopold had repeatedly renewed his proposition in St. Petersburg to recognise the elevation of the Elector of Saxony to the hereditary throne of Poland. But Catharine had not allowed herself to be drawn into giving any answer; and the nearer she approached to the conclusion of a definitive peace with the Turks, the more openly she manifested in Warsaw her aversion to the constitution of May. The Elector of Saxony, therefore, hesitated to commit himself to the acceptance of the throne of Poland; and Leopold was obliged to acknowledge that here too every thing depended on the firmness of his Prussian alliance; and he had every reason to augur an unfavourable reception of his Polish plan in Berlin. All these circumstances cooperated to dispose him as much as possible against a war with France. The fact that Russia now began to show the greatest favour to the Emigrés, and to preach, at Berlin and Vienna, a crusade against the wicked Jacobins, only served to confirm the Emperor in his peaceful sentiments. He rightly concluded that Catharine wished to entangle the German Powers in a struggle with France, that she might have her own way in

1 Kaunitz to the Austrian Ambassador in Berlin, Prince Reuss, Jan. 4. 1792.

CH. I.]

PEACEABLE DISPOSITION OF AUSTRIA.

5

Poland; and he was not at all inclined to be the dupe of so shallow an artifice. Among his Ministers, Prince Kaunitz always had a conviction that a French war would be the greatest of misfortunes, and the Vice-Chancellor, Count Cobenzl, who held different opinions, was unable to gain a hearing from the Emperor, who carefully avoided everything which could afford the French a pretext for a quarrel. He received the new constitutional ambassador, in spite of the most lively representations and protests on the part of the Emigrés and the Austrian nobility. When his Ministers were divided on the question whether the Empire should insist on the restoration of the German Princes to their rights in Alsace, or enter into negotiations for compensating them, he decided for the milder course. At the same time he set about bringing his alliance with Prussia to a definitive conclusion, in order to secure to himself a firm support for every emergency.

On the 17th of November-a week after the enactment of the first edict against the Emigrés-Prince Reuss made, a communication on this subject to the Prussian Ministry, and on this occasion declared himself empowered to commence at any moment the formal draft of an alliance. He enquired into the views of Prussia in respect to the number of men she would furnish in case of war, and was satisfied when the Prussian Ministers proposed a contingent of 20,000 men. In fact he always advocated the principle of acting strictly on the defensive. "We are now convinced," wrote the Ministers to their ambassador at Vienna, "that Austria will undertake nothing against France." This persuasion was soon afterwards fully confirmed by Kaunitz, who descanted in the severest terms on the intrigues of the Emigrés on the Rhine, which it was not in the interest of any Power to support. It was ridiculous, he said, in the French Princes, and in Russia and Spain, to declare the acceptance of the constitution by the King compulsory, and therefore void; and still more so to dispute the right of Louis XVI.

to alter the constitution at all. He said that they would vainly endeavour to goad Austria into a war, which could only have the very worst consequences for Louis and the present predominance of the moderate party in France. He further enlarged on the blessings of the existing AustroPrussian alliance, and expressed his willingness to prepare a more definite draft of the proposed treaty. Here, again, we see that without the machinations of the Girondists, the revolutionary war would never have been commenced.

It is true, indeed, that at this time a very perceptible change took place in the opinions of the second German potentate-the King of Prussia. Immediately after the Congress of Pillnitz, great numbers of French Emigrés, who had been driven from Vienna by the coldness of Leopold, had betaken themselves to Berlin. At the Prussian Court they met with a hospitable reception, and aroused in the King, by their graphic descriptions, a warm interest for the victims of the Revolution-more especially for the Royal family, but also for the exiled nobles. Their representations had so great an effect, that the warlike mien assumed by the Girondists in December-which had caused so much fear and anxiety in Vienna-was regarded by the King of Prussia with martial satisfaction. He was surprised, indeed, at Leopold's longsuffering patience, but thought that he would not be likely to submit to many more affronts; and meanwhile he loaded the Emigrés with marks of favour of every kind, and thereby excited in them the most exaggerated hopes. Yet the King was far from intending to risk any important interest of the State for the sake of his protégés; he had no idea of pursuing an aggressive policy towards France; and the only point in which he differed from Leopold was in the feeling with which he regarded the developement of the warlike tendencies of the French. His Ministers, moreover, were, without exception, possessed by the same ideas as Prince Kaunitz; that a French war would be a misfortune to all Europe. They had little trouble, therefore, in inducing

CH. L.] NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN AUSTRIA AND PRUSSIA. 7

the King to allow the Emperor Leopold-who was so much more nearly concerned-to take the initiative in this matter, and even to receive the Austrian proposals with the greatest caution. When the French Government began to set on foot its first army, on the 16th of December, and to threaten the Electorate of Trèves, a petition arrived at Berlin from the Emigrés praying the King to give them a refuge in Anspach and Baireuth; another from Trèves, begging for a Prussian corps of 4,000 men for its protection; and a proposal from Austria that Prussia should join in sending an identical note to Paris. The King immediately declined the two first proposals, 1 but expressed his readiness to join the Emperor in sending a strong protest to the French Government against any violation of the soil of the German Empire; but he thought that a general declaration concerning the Revolution would be just as hazardous at the present moment as in the preceeding Summer. Such a step, he said, would be critical and even compromising, if they were not in a position to support their words by energetic deeds. He would not however, he said, evade a definite wish of the Emperor, and he was therefore willing that the manifesto should threaten an armed intervention, in case of any personal violence towards the Royal family, or the refusal of compensation to the injured Alsatian Princes; but he was decidedly averse to making any mention of constitutional questions, or even of the efforts of the republicans. He concluded by saying; "As from the position of my dominions, I have no direct political interest in the matter, and should only intervene from personal sympathy with Louis XVI., and as a member of the Empire, I should be obliged—should war unhappily arise-to insist upon a just compensation, for any losses and dangers."

So far removed were they even in Berlin-crowded as it was with Emigrés-from any active opposition to the

1 Autograph letter to the Ministers of Dec. 28th.

changes in France, and from a war of principles against the Revolution!

In consequence of this declaration of Prussia, the Emperor, as we have seen, ordered that the Emigrés in Trèves should be disarmed; and contented himself with giving notice in Paris, that his Belgian troops would prevent any violation. of the Imperial frontier. In the present mood of the Parisian rulers, indeed, he could not deny the possibility of a breach, and consequently Kaunitz instructed the Ambassador to lay before the King of Prussia, on the 4th of January, the outline of a definitive treaty. This document adhered throughout to the ground of simple defence, and contained, with regard to France, nothing but the clause, that both Powers should use their efforts to bring about a European coalition. Negociations then went on smoothly for the most part; the two Powers fixed the amount of the contingent to be furnished by each as a member of the Diet, and promised one another to invite the other Powers, especially England and Russia, to cooperate with them. It was only on two points that a difference in their respective views was observable. The one concerned Belgium-Austria demanding aid against internal rebellion, especially in the present disaffected state of the Belgian population; while Prussia, on the other hand, would only assent to this, on condition that a secret article should exempt Belgium from its operation. The second point of difference-respecting Poland - was of more importance. Kaunitz, alarmed by the growing coldness of Russia, had already several times sounded the Prussian Ambassador in Vienna concerning the views of his Court, and had received, by express command of the King, the answer, that Prussia could only regard the new Polish constitution as seriously affecting her own interests;-that her Polish treaty of 1790 solely referred to the protection of the Republic from foreign interference-and that not the slightest obligation could be deduced from it with respect to the constitution. There was, indeed, at that time, a way by which Prussia might