[Digression from Statement.] 32. I am sensible, Sir, that all which I have asserted in my detail is admitted in the gross; but that quite a gue trist different conclusion is drawn from it. America, gentlemen say, is a noble object. It is an object well worth 5 fighting for. Certainly it is, if fighting a people be the best way of gaining them. Gentlemen in this respect will be led to their choice of means by their complexions-p and their habits. Those who understand the military art will of course have some predilection for it. Those 10 who wield the thunder of the state may have more confidence in the efficacy of arms. But I confess, possibly for want of this knowledge, my opinion is much more in favour of prudent management than of force; considering force not as an odious, but a feeble instrument, for 15 preserving a people so numerous, so active, so growing, so spirited as this, in a profitable and subordinate connection with us. 33. First, Sir, permit me to observe that the use of force alone is but temporary. It may subdue for a mo- 20 ment, but it does not remove the necessity of subduing again; and a nation is not governed which is perpetually to be conquered. 34. My next objection is its uncertainty. Terror is not always the effect of force; and an armament is 25 not a victory. If you do not succeed, you are without resource for, conciliation failing, force remains; but, force failing, no further hope of reconciliation is left. Power and authority are sometimes bought by kindness, but they can never be begged as alms by an impoverished 30 and defeated violence. 35. A further objection to force is, that you impair the object by your very endeavours to preserve it. The thing you fought for is not the thing which you recover, but depreciated, sunk, wasted, and consumed in the con. test. Nothing less will content me than whole America. I do not choose to consume its strength along with our own, because in all parts it is the British strength that 5 I consume. I do not choose to be caught by a foreign enemy at the end of this exhausting conflict, and still less in the midst of it. I may escape, but I can make no insurance against such an event. Let me add, that I do not choose wholly to break the American spirit, because 10 it is the spirit that has made the country. 36. Lastly, we have no sort of experience in favour of force as an instrument in the rule of our Colonies. Their growth and their utility has been owing to methods altogether different. Our ancient indulgence has been 15 said to be pursued to a fault. It may be so. But we know, if feeling is evidence, that our fault was more Rs tolerable than our attempt to mend it, and our sin far 20 37. These, Sir, are my reasons for not entertaining that high opinion of untried force by which many gentlemen, for whose sentiments in other particulars I have great respect, seem to be so greatly captivated. But there is still behind a third consideration concerning this 25 object, which serves to determine my opinion on the sort of policy which ought to be pursued in the management of America, even more than its population and its commerce-I mean its temper and character. 38. In this character of the Americans, a love of free80 dom is the predominating feature, which marks and distinguishes the whole; and as an ardent is always a jeal ous affection, your Colonies become suspicious, restive, uncle, and untractable, whenever they see the least attempt to trickery cane, what they think the only advantage worth living for. This fierce spirit of liberty is stronger in the English Colonies probably than in any other people of the earth, and this from a great variety of powerful causes; which, to understand the true temper of their minds, 5 and the direction which this spirit takes, it will not be amiss to lay open somewhat more largely. 39. First, the people of the Colonies are descendants of Englishmen. England, Sir, is a nation, which still I hope respects, and formerly adored, her freedom. The 10 Colonists emigrated from you when this part of your character was most predominant, and they took this bias and direction the moment they parted from your hands. They are therefore not only devoted to liberty, but to liberty according to English ideas and on English prin- 1 ciples. Abstract liberty, like other mere abstractions, is not to be found. Liberty inheres in some sensible object; and every nation has formed to itself some favourite point, which, by way of eminence, becomes the criterion of their happiness. It happened, you know, 20 Sir, that the great contests for freedom in this country were from the earliest times chiefly upon the question of taxing. Most of the contests in the ancient commonwealths turned primarily on the right of election of magistrates, or on the balance among the several orders 25 of the State. The question of money was not with them so immediate. But in England it was otherwise. On this point of taxes the ablest pens and most eloquent tongues have been exercised, the greatest spirits have acted and suffered. In order to give the fullest satisfac- 30 tion concerning the importance of this point, it was not only necessary for those who in argument defended the excellence of the English Constitution to insist on this privilege of granting money as a dry point of fact, and to prove that the right had been acknowledged 35 in ancient parchments and blind usages to reside in a certain body called a House of Commons. They went much further; they attempted to prove-and they succeeded that in theory it ought to be so, from the 5 particular nature of a House of Commons as an immediate representative of the people, whether the old records had delivered this oracle or not. They took infinite pains to inculcate, as a fundamental principle, that in all, monarchies the people must in effect them10 selves, médiately or immediately, possess the power of granting their own money, or no shadow of liberty could subsist. The Colonies draw from you, as with their life-blood, these ideas and principles. Their love of liberty, as with you, fixed and attached on this specific 15 point of taxing. Liberty might be safe, or might be endangered, in twenty other particulars, without their being much pleased or alarmed. Here they felt its pulse; and as they found that beat, they thought themselves sick or sound. I do not say whether they were 20 right or wrong in applying your general arguments to their own case. It is not easy, indeed, to make a monopoly of theorems and corollaries, The fact is that Clary they did thus apply those general arguments and your mode of governing them, whether through lenity or 25 indolence, through wisdom or mistake, confirmed them in the imagination that they, as well as you, had an interest in these common principles. 40. They were further in this pleasing error by the form of their provincial legislative Assemblies. 30 Their governments are popular in a high degree; some are merely 30 Their governlar; in all, the popular representative is the most weighty; and this share of the people in their ordinary government never fails to inspire them with lofty sentiments, and with a strong aversion from what85 ever tends to deprive them of their chief importance. 41. If anything were wanting to this necessary operation of the form of government, religion would have given it a complete effect. Religion, always a principle of energy, in this new people is no way worn out or impaired; and their mode of professing it is also one main 5 cause of this free spirit. The people are Protestants, and of that kind which is the most adverse to all implicit submission of mind and opinion. This is a persuasion not only favourable to liberty, but built upon it. I do not think, Sir, that the reason of this averseness in the dissenting churches from all that looks like absolute government, is so much to be sought in their religious enets es their history. Every one knows that the Roman Catholic religion is at least coeval with most of my the governments where it prevails, that it has generally 15 gone hand in hand with them, and received great favour and every kind of support from authority. The Church of England, too, was formed from her cradle under the nursing care of regular government. But the dissenting interests have sprung up in direct opposition to all 20 the ordinary powers of the world, and could justify that opposition only on a strong claim to natural liberty. Their very existence depended on the powerful and unremitted assertion of that claim. All Protestantism, even the most cold and passive, is a sort of dissent. But 25 the religion most prevalent in our Northern Colonies is/ a refinement on the principle of resistance; it is the dissidence of dissent, and the protestantism of the Protestant religion. This religion, under a variety of denominations agreeing in nothing but in the communion 30 of the spirit of liberty, is predominant in most of the Northern Provinces, where the Church of England, notwithstanding its legal rights, is in reality no more than a sort of private sect, not composing, most probably, the tenth of the people. The Colonists left England when 35 |