Abraham Lincoln, Band 2Houghton Mufflin, 1921 |
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abolition Abolitionists administration afterward amid Andrew Johnson anti-slavery April battle better Cabinet campaign cause Chase close coln command compensated emancipation Comte de Paris condition Confederacy Confederate Congress Constitution Copperheads declared Democrats dent election emancipation enemy fact Federal feeling fight force Fredericksburg Fremont friends Governor Grant Greeley Halleck Harper's Ferry Hooker hostility House issue Jackson James River Jefferson Davis judgment July Lee's army less Lincoln loyal March matter McClellan McDowell McDowell's Meade measure ment military move negroes never North Northern once opinion party passed peace persons political position Potomac President President's proclamation purpose question rebel rebellion Republican Richmond River Rosecrans save the Union scheme Secretary seemed Senate sent Seward Shenandoah Valley Sherman slavery slaves soldiers soon South Southern success Thaddeus Stevens tion took troops Union army United Vallandigham victory Virginia votes war Democrats Washington
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Seite 126 - Fellow-citizens, we cannot escape history. We, of this Congress and this Administration, will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No personal significance, or insignificance, can spare one or another of us. The fiery trial through which we pass will light us down, in honor or dishonor, to the latest generation.
Seite 312 - If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of those offenses which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South this terrible war, as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge...
Seite 127 - We say we are for the Union. The world will not forget that we say this. We know how to save the Union. The world knows we do know how to save it. We — even we here — hold the power and bear the responsibility. In giving freedom to the slave, we assure freedom to the free — honorable alike in what we give and what we preserve. We shall nobly save or meanly lose the last, best hope of earth. Other means may succeed; this could not fail. The way is plain, peaceful, generous, just — a way which,...
Seite 206 - Peace does not appear so distant as it did. I hope it will come soon, and come to stay ; and so come as to be worth the keeping in all future time. It will then have been proved that among freemen there can be no successful appeal from the ballot to the bullet, and that they who take such appeal are sure to lose their case and pay the cost.
Seite 138 - I have heard, in such a way as to believe it, of your recently saying that both the army and the government needed a dictator. Of course it was not for this, but in spite of it, that I have given you the command. Only those generals who gain successes can set up dictators. What I now ask of you is military success, and I will risk the dictatorship.
Seite 105 - If there be in it any inferences which I may believe to be falsely drawn, I do not now and here argue against them. If there be perceptible in it an impatient and dictatorial tone, I waive it in deference to an old friend, whose heart I have always supposed to be right. As to the policy I " seem to be pursuing," as you say, I have not meant to leave any ono in doubt.
Seite 229 - I barely suggest for your private consideration, whether some of the colored people may not be let in — as, for instance, the very intelligent, and especially those who have fought gallantly in our ranks.
Seite 105 - My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it; and if I could do it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that.
Seite 100 - By general law, life and limb must be protected, yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life; but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures otherwise unconstitutional might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution, through the preservation of the nation.
Seite 257 - And every one that was in distress, and every one that was in debt, and every one that was discontented, gathered themselves unto him; and he became a captain over them: and there were with him about four hundred men.