have been in public life I have done everything I possibly could to promote the cause of the education of the people generally. I have done so because I have always felt that with the limited population of this United Kingdom, compared with the great imperial position which it occupies with reference to other nations, it is not only our duty, but it is an absolute necessity, that we should study to make every man the most effective being that education can possibly constitute him. In the old wars there used to be a story that one Englishman could beat three members of some other nation: but I think if we want to maintain our power we ought to make one Englishman equal really in the business of life to three other men that any other nation can furnish. I do not see how otherwise, with our limited population, we can fulfil the great destiny that I believe waits us, and the great position we occupy. Therefore, so far as I am concerned, whether it be a far greater advanced system of primary education-whether it be that system of competitive examination which I have ever supported, though I am not unconscious of some pedantry with which it is accompanied, or whatever may be the circumstances, I shall ever be its supporter.

May I be allowed to say, in reference to the subject of education generally, that the issue that has been raised is in a certain sense a false issue; but as it touches very great principles and affects the character of the nation, I would say myself I do not believe that in this United Kingdom any monotonous form of education, founded on a compulsory principle of forcing every part of the country to adopt the same system, will be successful. I am not prepared at this moment to agree that the same system ought to be extended to every part of Her Majesty's dominions, and to admit that the British nation generally is an uneducated one. So far as our primary education is concerned, there is no doubt that the multiplicity of our occupations and the value of labour has prevented that complete education in a primary sense which is to be desired. But if you look even to our primary education as compared with the primary education of other countries for the last thirty years, though it may not reach in some respects the alleged points

which other nations have accomplished, still, on the whole, during these thirty years the advance of England has been greatest. But I deny that the education of the people of England entirely depends-I am talking now of the general population-on our system of primary education. I say that the technical education of the English artisan-especially since what we may describe as the Albertine movement took place-since Prince Albert first laid down those principles and doctrines which have been carried into felicitous effect-the technical education of the English artisan has been immensely improved. But if you come to mere secular education, there is an influence prevalent in England which exists in no other country, and which forms in a very great degree the character and conduct of the English people, and that is the influence of a free press. That influence is never considered. The press of this country, conducted by whatever party, but, on the whole, conducted with great knowledge, with great intelligence, and with a high moral feeling, imparts a secular education to the people of this country which none of the boasted countries which are brought forward as models, and which we are called upon to make great efforts to equal, can for a moment compete with.

Gentlemen, I cannot deny that the great measure which has been passed this year will give in some degree a new character to the Constitution, and introduce some new powers and influences into its play and action. Indeed, to accomplish these ends was the object of those who brought it forward. I am told, at least I hear every day, that in consequence of the change which has been effected one must expect great questions to arise. Well, great questions no doubt will arise, and I shall be very sorry if great questions should not arise. Great questions are a proof that a country is progressing. In a progressive country change is constant; and the great question is, not whether you should resist change which is inevitable, but whether that change should be carried out in deference to the manners, the customs, the laws, and the traditions of a people, or whether it should be carried out in deference to abstract principles, and arbitrary and general doctrines. The one is a national system; the other, to give it an epithet, a noble

epithet—which, perhaps, it may deserve-is a philosophic system. Both have great advantages: the national party is supported by the fervour of patriotism; the philosophical party has a singular exemption from the force of prejudice.

Now, my lords and gentlemen, I have always considered that the Tory party was the national party of England. It is not formed of a combination of oligarchs and philosophers who practise on the sectarian prejudices of a portion of the people. It is formed of all classes, from the highest to the most homely, and it upholds a series of institutions that are in theory, and ought to be in practice, an embodiment of the national require ments and the security of the national rights. Whenever the Tory party degenerates into an oligarchy, it becomes unpopular; whenever the national institutions do not fulfil their original intention, the Tory party becomes odious; but when the people are led by their natural leaders, and when, by their united influence, the national institutions fulfil their original intention, the Tory party is triumphant, and then, under Provdience, will secure the prosperity and the power of the country.

My lords and gentlemen, the times in which we happen to meet are no doubt serious. At this moment events may be occurring which may influence the destiny of Europe, and affect the position of this country. But, no doubt, whatever ministry may have to regulate the fortunes of this country, whatever may be their abilities, whatever may be the favouring circumstances they can command, they are nothing without the confidence of the great body of the nation. I am the last man who would for a moment affect to depreciate the difficulties which a British minister has now to meet, or would attempt for a moment to exaggerate the qualities which I, or even my colleagues better than myself, possess to encounter them. Indeed, when I remember the elements and interests of these British Isles, so vast, so various, and so complicated; when I even call to recollection the difference of race which, however blended, leaves significant characteristics; when I recollect that the great majority of the population of the United Kingdom rise every day and depend for their subsistence-their daily subsistence on their daily labour; when I recollect the delicate

marvel of our credit-more wonderful, in my opinion, than our accumulated capital-the constant collision between those ancient institutions that give permanence to the State, and the requirements of the new populations that arise, and which they do not completely or adequately meet-when I remember that it is upon the common sense, the prudence, and the courage of the community thus circumstanced that depends the fate of uncounted millions in Asian provinces, and that around the globe there is a circle of domestic settlements that watch us for example and inspiration--when I know that not a sun rises upon a British minister that does not bring him care, and often inexpressible anxiety-some unexpected war, a disturbed or discontented colony, a pestilence, a famine, a mutiny, a collapse of credit, a declining trade, a decaying revenue, perhaps some insensate and fantastic conspiracy, I declare I often wonder where is the strength of thought and the fund of feeling that are adequate to cope with such colossal circumstances. But when I withdraw from the pressure of individual interests, and take a larger and deeper view of human affairs, I recognise that in this country, whatever may have been the tumult and the turmoil of now many generations, there have ever been three master influences that have at all times guided and controlled all other powers and passions. And these are Industry, Liberty, and Religion. So long as this sacred combination influences the destiny of this country it will not die. History will recognise its life, not record its decline and fall. It will say This is a great and understanding people, and it is from such materials we make the magnificence of nations and establish the splendour of terrestrial thrones.

CONSERVATIVE PRINCIPLES.

Speech at Manchester, April 3, 1872.

[The gist of this speech lies in the one sentence, 'The programme of the Conservative party is to maintain the institutions of the country.' We have then an exhaustive consideration of the various component parts of that constitution, and the advantages of each. Some remarks on the union of Church and State follow; then comes the condition of the people, both agricultural and manu facturing, with some reference to the doctrines of Fenianism; and the speech concludes with a description of the ministry and their conduct of foreign affairs, which, whatever its justice, will long be remembered for its felicitous imagery and biting satire.

It must be remembered that in the November of 1871 Sir Charles Dilke had delivered a lecture at Newcastle on the cost of Royalty, containing statements which he afterwards retracted.]

THE

HE right honourable gentleman said: Gentlemen, the Chairman has correctly reminded you that this is not the first time that my voice has sounded in this hall. But that was an occasion very different from that which now assembles us together-was nearly thirty years ago, when I endeavoured to support and stimulate the flagging energies of an institution in which I thought there were the germs of future refinement and intellectual advantage to the rising generation of Manchester, and since I have been here on this occasion I have learnt with much gratification that it is now counted among your most flourishing institutions. There was also another and more recent occasion when the gracious office fell to me to distribute among the members of the Mechanics' Institution those prizes which they had gained through their study in letters and in science. Gentlemen, these were pleasing offices, and if life consisted only of such offices you would not have to