'where I remained seven days and more. Then Master 'Hussey sent for me again, and required of me to tell him 'the truth. I told him I could tell him no other truth than 'what I had told Dr. Story before. Then he began to tell 'me of Dixon, of whom I had the books, the which had 'made the matter manifest afore; and he told me of all 'things touching Dixon and the books, more than I could 'myself; insomuch that he told me how many I had, and 'that he had a sackfull of the books in his house, and knew 'where the woman lay better than I myself. Then I saw 'the matter so open and manifest before my face that it profited 'not me to stand in the matter."

The reader might perhaps imagine that Greene was now going to tell the truth. But no such thing; it was only that the old lie being found unprofitable, a new one must be substituted.

"He asked me where I had done the books; and I told 'him I had but one, and that Dr. Story had. He said I lied, for I had three at one time, and he required me to 'tell him of one. Then I told him of one that John Beane 'had of me being prentice with Master Tottle."

Now, if after all this, and a good deal more, obstinate perseverance in lying, when the information which they wanted to get from Thomas Greene had been obtained from other sources, and the treasonable business in which he had been a petty agent had come to be fully known-if, after all this, his blood-thirsty persecutors, instead of putting him in the hands of the hangman, turned him over to the beadle, it seems to me that he got off rather better than he might have expected; and that he might think himself very lucky that his notable " simplicitie" had led him into no worse scrape, and that he was able to say, "when they had done whipping of me, they bade me pay my fees, and go my ways."

But much as we may admire the simplicity of Thomas Greene, it is surely somewhat strange to find this account of it in "The story of certain scourged for religion,”- -a story after which Fox observes: "Besides these above named 'divers others also suffered the like scourgings and whippings ' in their bodies, for their faithful standing in the truth; of 'which it may be said, as it is written of the Apostles in the 'Acts, 'Which departed from the council rejoicing that they

( were counted worthy to suffer for the name of Jesus.'" The distinction which Fox must have made in his own mind, and expected to be made by his readers, between truth and the truth, must be kept in mind during this inquiry; and it may be feared that it was not peculiar to him, or to his times, but that it characterized the party to which he belonged, and survived the age in which he lived.

But let us turn from the "scourging of Thomas Greene, prentice," who is not a very dignified representative of his party (though Fox's admiration of his "simplicity" gives his story great importance), to the account of a person much more distinguished; one whom Strype describes as an "eminent martyr":" and let us see if we can account for his practice on any other ground than that of some such distinction, leading to an idea that the truth was sometimes to be maintained or promoted by falsehood,-I mean, John Careless, whose letters have been published by Fox, republished by Coverdale, and, within these ten years, again republished as the "Letters of that faithful man of God, John Careless," and as part of a "precious relic of the founders of our established Church"."

The reader must understand, that "there were now," according to Strype, who is speaking of the year 1556, "abundance of sects and dangerous doctrines: whose main'tainers shrouded themselves under the professors of the gospel. Some denied the godhead of Christ; some denied 'his manhood; others denied the godhead of the Holy 'Ghost, original sin, the doctrine of predestination and 'free election, the descent of Christ into hell, (which the

3 Mem. of Cran. vol. ii. p. 504.

4 These words are quoted from Mr. Bickersteth's dedication prefixed to the edition of "the Letters of the Martyrs," published in the year 1837. This work professes to be a reprint of the volume collected and published by Bishop Coverdale, in the year 1564. Three other letters of John Careless were afterwards annexed to " A Pitvovs Lamentation of the miserable estate of the chvrche," by Bishop Ridley. "Imprinted at London by William Powell, dwelling in Flete Strete, at the sign of the George, nere to Sainct Dunston's Church." They are intituled, "Certeyne godly and comfortable letters of the constant wytnes of Christ, John Careles, written in the time of his imprisonment, and now fyrste set forth in printe. Anno Domini, 1566." They were not, therefore, in the first edition of Fox; and I believe only one of them has been in any edition of the Martyrology, or reprinted anywhere. They are all addressed to the same female, K. E., who, in the edition of Fox, 1596, p. 1752, and

protestants here generally hell,) the baptism of infants. Some condemned the use of all indifferent things in religion others held freewill, man's righteousness, and 'justification by works-doctrines which the protestants, in 'the times of King Edward, for the most part, disowned. By these opinions, a scandal was raised upon the true 'professors 5. Again, speaking of some "schismatical 'spirits" who had "imbibed principles of Pelagiani Arianism, and anabaptism, and endeavoured to infuse the same into those good men and women professing and 'suffering for the gospel," and having stated, on the authority of Fox, that "not only in private assemblies here [i.e., at Colchester] did these swarm, to pervert the right ways of the Lord, but also in divers prisons in London, they kept a continual hand: where they scattered their 'heretical doctrines among such as were committed for the 'love of the gospel;" he adds, that "some of the chief among them were these two-John Kemp and Henry Hart. . . . these were those they called freewill men: 'for so they were termed of the predestinators. . . . and 'there were thirteen articles drawn up, to be observed ' among their company that adhered to them . . there were certain articles of Christian religion, which Careless had sent to Tymms, a prisoner for the gospel in the 'King's Bench [read Newgate]: and these Hart undertook 'to confute "."

6

Of these particulars the reader should be aware, and he should also know, that Dr. Martin was commissioned by the council to make inquiries respecting these quarrels which were said to exist among the nonconforming

in Mr. Cattley's edition, vol. viii. p. 192, is changed to E. K. Why Fox, or whoever put the first of the three letters into the Martyrology, did not put in the other two, I do not know, except it were that the former of them is in a high strain of praise, gratitude, compliment, and full confidence for instance, "I am right suer we are both sealed vnto the daye of redemption ;" and again, "be you certaine and suer that God will likewise glorify you with himself in everlasting glory. For, as the Lord did know and elect you for his before the foundation of the worlde was layde: so hath he called you by the sincere preaching of his holy gospel" -while the principal object of the latter seems to be, to let her know that he had been informed by credible persons that she was frequently guilty of "comming into the companye of filthy idolaters, at the time of their Antechristian service."

5 Mem. III. i. 586.

Annals, vol. ii. P. ii. p. 283.

prisoners; and in the course of his investigation, Careless came before him in the custody (at least, in the company) of the marshal of the King's Bench. How, or why, Careless came to be a prisoner in the King's Bench at all, does not appear. That when he was there, he was a zealous, not to say fierce, polemic, is quite clear; but I do not see anything to show that he was originally imprisoned on account of religion. When Dr. Martin asked him where he dwelt, and was answered, "In Coventry," he rejoined, "At Coventry? what so far man? How camest thou hither? Who sent thee to the King's Bench to prison ?" All that Careless thought fit to answer was, "I was brought thither by a writ, I trow; what it was I cannot tell. I think Master Marshal can tell you." "In good faith," said the Marshal, "I cannot tell what the matter is; but indeed my Lord Chief Justice sent him from the bar." The only other fact which I observe to be stated by Fox respecting his imprisonment, (which was begun before he was sent up to London,) is that, "being in Coventry jail, 'he was there in such credit with his keeper, that, upon 'his word, he was let out to play in the pageant about the city with his companions. And that done, keeping touch 'with his keeper, he returned into prison at his hour 'appointed." However, it is quite clear, and quite enough for our present purpose, that having been previously a weaver at Coventry, he was at this time a prisoner in the King's Bench; and that we have "The effect of the Examination of John Careless before Dr. Martin, briefly declared" by the prisoner himself, and recorded in Fox's Martyrology. The document begins thus:

"When I came into his chamber, Master D. called me to him, saying, 'Come you hither, sirrah; what is your name?'' Forsooth,' quoth I, 'my name is John Careless.'

7 Since the above was published I have observed two notices of John Careless in Fox's Martyrology, by one of which we learn that he was the person by whom Bishop Latimer was "premonished about six hours before" of the poursuivant's approach to summon him to London (vol. vii. p. 464, 8vo. Ed.); and by the other we are told that on "the 20 day of Nov., the mayor of Coventry sent up unto the lords of the Council Baldwin Clarke, John Careless, Thomas Wilcocks, and Richard Estelin, for their behaviour upon Allhallows-day last before: whereupon Careless and Wilcocks were committed to the Gatehouse, and Clarke and 'Estelin to the Marshalsea."—Ibid. vi. 411.

Dr. Martin-Careless! by my faith I think the same; and so 1 ween it will appear by thy conditions, by that time we have done with thee.'

Careless-Though my name be Careless, yet perchance you shall not find me so careless in my conditions, as your mastership doth presuppose.'

Martin No! that I shall prove anon. I pray thee of what church art thou, or of what faith? for I hear say that you have divers churches and faith in the King's Bench; and here I have two of your faiths which you sent to Newgate. Come hither; look upon them; and I pray thee tell me which is thy faith; for the one of them is thine, and thine own handwriting.'

John Careless, as he had told the doctor at the outset, was far enough from being the sort of person which his name would indicate. In fact, those who are acquainted with De Foe's inimitable and "most edifying discourse between the Justice and the Weaver," may be apt to think more than once of Edmund Pratt, in reading the examination of John Careless. He was not at all disposed to commit himself; so he tells us :—

"With that I came near him, saying, 'If your mastership have any thing of my handwriting, show it me, and I will not deny it.' Martin-Nay, marry, thou canst not deny it. Lo here is thy own name at it.' And so he began to read it, but suddenly he stayed, saying, 'How sayest thou to it? Canst thou deny that this is thy faith, fact, and deed, and this is thine own hand?

Careless acknowledged that "the tenor " of the document was of his "first drawing," but absolutely denied that the copy shown to him was his handwriting, or that he knew whose handwriting it was. Whether this was true or false, how can we possibly know, when we find him going on thus:

"Then he turned the other side of the paper, where Henry Hart had wickedly written against my true articles, whose hand and name I knew as soon as I had seen it; for indeed my good brother Tyms had sent me a copy of the same before. Then he said, 'Lo! here is another of thy fellows faith, clean contrary to thine: whose faith is this? Dost thou know this hand?'

Cureless 'No, forsooth, I do not know whose faith, nor yet whose hand it is, neither will I make me any thing to do with other men's faiths. I stand here to make answer to your mastership for mine own; and if any man have wrote against the same, I would I might come to talk with him face to face, to see how he were able to prove his party good.'

Martin Prove! A wise proof that you would make you will

8 Great Law of Subordination, p. 91.