XIX. Jan. that the kingdom of Jesus Christ is not of this world, CHAP. and that they would religiously observe the rule not to fight; and the meeting of the Friends of Pennsyl- 1775. vania and New Jersey gave their "testimony against every usurpation of power and authority in opposition to the laws of government." But the legislature of Pennsylvania had, in December, unreservedly approved the proceedings of the continental congress, and elected seven delegates to the next congress in May. The popular convention of that colony, supported by the inflexibility of Thomson, and the vivacity and address of Mifflin, now pledged their constituents at every hazard to defend the rights and liberties of America, and, if necessary, to resist force by force. Unanimously adhering to the resolves of the congress, they also recommended domestic manufactures, and led the way to a law "prohibiting the future importation of slaves." "Do not give up," wrote the town of Monmouth in New Jersey to the Bostonians; "and if you should want any further supply of bread, let us know." On the twenty-fourth of January, the assembly of that colony, without a dissenting voice, adopted the measures of the last general congress, and elected delegates to the next. Three weeks later, it was persuaded, like New York, to transmit a separate petition to the king; but its petition presented the American grievances without abatement. The assembly of New York would neither print letters of the committee of correspondence; nor vote thanks to the New York delegates to the congress; nor express satisfaction that the merchants and inhabitants of the province adhered to the continental XIX. CHAP. association. On the twenty-third of February, it was moved to send delegates to the general congress in 1775. May. Strenuous debates arose; Schuyler and Clin23. ton speaking several times on the one side, Brush Feb. and Wilkins very earnestly on the other; but the motion was defeated by a vote of nine to seventeen. The vote proved nothing but how far prejudice, corruption, pride, and attachment to party could make a legislative body false to its constituents. The people of New York were thrown back upon themselves, under circumstances of difficulty that had no parallel in other colonies. They had no legally constituted body to form their rallying point; and at a time when the continental congress refused to sanction any revolutionary act even in Massachusetts, they were compelled to proceed exclusively by the methods of revolution. Massachusetts was sustained by its elective council and its annually elected assembly; New York had a council holding office at the king's will, and an assembly continued in existence from year to year by the king's prerogative. Yet the patriotism of the colony was sure to emerge from all these obstacles; and its first legitimate organ was the press. Charles Lee denied the military capacity of England, as she could with difficulty enlist recruits enough to keep her regiments full; and he insisted that in a few months efficient infantry might be formed of Americans. A pamphlet from the pen of Alexander Hamilton, had been in circulation since December; in February, when the necessity of the appeal to the people was become more and more urgent, the genial pilgrim XIX. Feb. from the south again put forth all his ability, with a CHAP. determined interest in the coming struggle, as if he had sprung from the soil whose rights he defended. 1775. Strong in the sincerity of his convictions, he addressed the judgment, not the passions, aiming not at brilliancy of expression, but justness of thought, severe in youthful earnestness. "I lament," wrote Hamilton, "the unnatural quarrel between the parent state and the colonies; and most ardently wish for a speedy reconciliation, a perpetual and mutually beneficial union. I am a warm advocate for limited monarchy, and an unfeigned well-wisher to the present royal family; but, on the other hand, I am inviolably attached to the essential rights of mankind, to the true interests of society, to civil liberty as the greatest of terrestrial blessings." "You are quarrelling for three pence a pound on tea, an atom on the shoulders of a giant," said the tories; and he answered: "The parliament claims a right to tax us in all cases whatever; its late acts are in virtue of that claim; it is the principle against which we contend." "You should have had recourse to remonstrance and petition,” said the time-servers. "In the infancy of the present dispute," rejoined Hamilton, "we addressed the throne; our address was treated with contempt and neglect. The first American congress in 1765 did the same, and met with similar treatment. The exigency of the times requires vigorous remedies; we have no resource but in a restriction of our trade, or in a resistance by arms. " "But Great Britain," it was said, "will enforce her claims by fire and sword. The Americans are with XIX. Feb. CHAP. out fortresses, without discipline, without military stores, without money, and cannot keep an army in 1775. the field; nor can troops be disciplined without regular pay and government by an unquestioned legal authority. A large number of armed men might be got together near Boston, but in a week they would be obliged to disperse to avoid starving." "The courage of Americans,” replied Hamilton, "has been proved. The troops Great Britain could send against us, would be but few; our superiority in number would balance our inferiority in discipline. It would be hard, if not impracticable, to subjugate us by force. An armament sufficient to enslave America, will put her to an insupportable expense. She would be laid open to foreign enemies. Ruin like a deluge would pour in from every quarter.” "Great Britain," it was said, "will seek to bring us to a compliance by putting a stop to our whole trade." "We can live without trade," answered Hamilton; "food and clothing we have within ourselves. With due cultivation, the southern colonies, in a couple of years, would afford cotton enough to clothe the whole continent. Our climate produces wool, flax, and hemp. The silkworm answers as well here as in any part of the world. If manufactures should once be established, they will pave the way still more to the future grandeur and glory of America; and will render it still securer against encroachments of tyranny." "You will raise the resentment of the united inhabitants of Great Britain and Ireland," objected his. adversaries. "They are our friends," said he; "they know how dangerous to their liberties the loss of ours must be. The Irish will sympathize with us CHAP. and commend our conduct." XIX. 1775. The tories built confidently upon disunion among Feb. the colonies. "A little time," replied Hamilton, "will awaken them from their slumbers. I please myself with the flattering prospect, that they will, ere long, unite in one indissoluble chain." It was a common argument among the royalists of those days, that there were no immutable principles of political science; that government was the creature of civil society, and therefore that an established government was not to be resisted. To this the young philosopher answered rightly: "The supreme intelligence, who rules the world, has constituted an eternal law, which is obligatory upon all mankind, prior to any human institution whatever. He gave existence to man, together with the means of preserving and beautifying that existence; and invested him with an inviolable right to pursue liberty and personal safety. Natural liberty is a gift of the Creator to the whole human race. Civil liberty is only natural liberty, modified and secured by the sanctions of civil society. It is not dependent on human caprice; but it is conformable to the constitution of man, as well as necessary to the well being of society." 66 The colony of New York," continued his antagonists, "is subject to the supreme legislative authority of Great Britain." "I deny that we are dependent on the legislature of Great Britain," he answered; and he fortified his denial by an elaborate discussion of colonial history and charters. It was retorted, that New York had no charter. "The sacred rights of mankind," he rejoined, "are |