Immediately the War is over, the trade unions will begin to arrange to readjust many grievances, inflicted and patiently borne, consequent on the arrangement come to with the Government, and as soon as possible will formulate their demands. In this case it will be well if both the trade unions and the employers keep well before them the fact that both organised Labour and organised Capital are practically impregnable, and that true wisdom is evidenced in dealing with points in dispute if economy is studied and good business methods are adopted. Speaking generally, the trade union leader is against compulsory arbitration only because of the work of such boards in the past. In most cases the workman makes a good guess as to the award, believing that such is arrived at more in consideration of the parties concerned as employer and workman than as a result of an impartial judgment on the merits of the case. Capital and Labour must be prepared to come together with greater mutuality than ever before, recognising that, under existing conditions, each is necessary to the other. The former realising at the same time that the worker has a right to a higher standard of life, and that his intelligence forbids that he should be content with an income below efficiency. "Put yourself in his place" is the axiom that would work wonders with all of us if consistently followed.

Employers should encourage men's organisations, as by doing so they help to develop a species of union which tends more than any other thing to harmony and goodwill among workmen; that is, organisation by industries rather than by small sections. This class of union engenders a oneness of feeling and interest, which

makes impossible the diversions and dissensions so common where sectional unions exist.

If we are successfully to compete with other progressive nations, we must pay greater attention to our own internal arrangements and management, For instance, we should get better work and a much larger output were we to provide better workshops and improve the surroundings of the workman inside the factory. The workplaces of Great Britain, especially in the metal industry, are not to be compared with those in Germany from the point of view of cleanliness, light, and general convenience and comfort. It is well known that a man can do more work and of a higher quality in a clean, well-arranged shop.

Another matter requiring special attention is the need for an arrangement by which we can be brought in closer contact with our customers and other consumers in other countries. It would certainly help us to a better knowledge of the real requirements of both were bureaus established in each country, through which all necessary information might pass. This would keep us informed as to the requirements of the markets and the consumers and traders as well, and at the same time as to the doings of our competitors.

MR. THOMAS JOHNSON

(Chairman, Irish Trade Union Congress)

It is impossible to say what the industrial situation after the War will be in Ireland until we know who will be victorious. If Britain (and her Allies) wins, she may harden her heart against Ireland, in which case Ireland's economic interests will count little in

determining the policy to be pursued by either Labour, Capital, or the State. On the other hand, if Germany (and her Allies) wins, the settlement may be such as to give Ireland some control of her economic policy. (What is food for England may be poison for Ireland. At this moment she is in such a position that British statesmen would sacrifice half the Empire to place England in―i.e., she produces more food than she consumes—and yet food prices are at famine rates, far above the reach of the working class in our towns and cities.)

Whoever controls Ireland's government after the War ought to aim at stimulating agriculture by every possible means-State farms, co-operative colonies, compulsory tillage, punitive taxation of grass lands etc.—and assist the development of those industries which are closely related to agriculture. But her produce must be devoted to feeding her own people first before she sends any to Britain. The English market must not be allowed to lure her foodstuffs for the private gain of her peasant proprietors until her own urban population are assured of enough to eat. Irish Labour will be "protectionist " on these lines. Possibly, also, the coming of the petrol-driven airship may revolutionise Ireland's position. We can grow potatoes for alcohol ad lib. Our Western harbours will be very convenient landing-places for a transatlantic air fleet. The water-power of the Shannon may be utilised for generating electric energy.

An unfettered Irish Government may be able to do much to rejuvenate this country, and so I pray that "the nation (the Irish nation) may be a single economic entity."

MR. T. E. NAYLOR

(General Secretary, London Society of Compositors) The patriotic part played by the trade unions during the War entitles them to a hearing in any discussion on Labour problems that will arise after the War. At the moment, comparative calm reigns in the industrial world. It must not be supposed, however that Labour has placed aside all its old aspirations and beliefs. Nor must it be assumed that Labour has been dragooned into a condition of servility by certain Acts of Parliament. The very opposite is the case. At the moment, the mind of Labour is fixed on carrying out its duty to the men at the front.

Organised Labour, confident of its strength and of its capacity to meet all possible contingencies after the War, and realising how much depends upon the victory of the Allies, is content to wait until that issue is decided before exercising its powers in any given direction beyond what is necessary to meet the exigencies of the hour.

This preliminary statement is necessary because so many have formed the conclusion that the present industrial calm is the outcome of a new spirit permeating both Labour and Capital. That is true only so far as it can be interpreted to mean that common danger makes friends of us all. The actual relationship between Labour and Capital when the War is over will be found to be unchanged.

The industrial situation after the War, from the economic point of view, depends largely upon the terms of settlement when peace is declared. There

would be an enormous difference between the conditions set up by an inconclusive peace and those following a complete victory. There is considerable conflict of opinion on the economic consequences of the War, even when complete victory is assumed; agreement becomes even more difficult when we take into account -as we should-the possibility of a patched-up peace, with its aftermath of standing armies and military service all over the world. Therefore the industrial situation after the War, depending as it will upon as yet undetermined issues, is not a subject upon which it is safe to prophesy.

This much, however, we may assume that in the period of adjustment immediately following the War there will be great unrest in the ranks of Labour. The questions of wages, prices, unemployment, tradeunion rules, and female labour will all be calling for settlement, and if they are not answered in a way that will give satisfaction to organised Labour, trouble is bound to ensue. I hope this will not be regarded as a threat I am not writing as a trade-union official but as a contributor to a symposium. Nothing will be lost by plain speaking. Again I say, Labour must be satisfied in all reasonable demands, or there will be mutiny abroad.

Capital is in a much more favourable position, however the War may end. But the most promising developments will be jeopardised if Capital is not at peace with Labour. Hence Capital should spare no effort to come to terms. The markets of the world I will be the centres of commercial conflict between nation and nation, and woe betide that country whose place in the race is thrust back by industrial troubles at