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ous health, will afford a lively emblem of Protestantism. The malady, let it be supposed, has deranged the whole animal economy. Appetite and strength fail, and are succeeded by languor and debility. The disease, which works within, appears in all its disgusting effects on the interior, and produces emaciation, paleness, swelling, ulceration, tumour, and abscess. The whole frame, in consequence, exhibits a mass of deformity. The patient, in this state, affords a striking picture of Popery. But a physician, in the mean time, exerts his professional skill. Medical applications arrest the progress of disease, and renovate the functions of the whole human system. Every protuberance, excrescence, suppuration and pain is removed by an unsparing application of the lancet, regimen, medicine and aliment. The blood, in reviving streams, begins to flow with its usual velocity, and the pulse, in healthy movements, to beat with its accustomed regularity. Debility and decay give place to vigour, bloom and beauty. The healthy subject, in this state, presents a portrait of Protestantism: and the reformers acted the part of the physician. Religion, by their skilful exertions, was divested of the adventitious and accumulated superadditions of a thousand years, and restored to its native purity, flourish ing in health, invigorated with strength, and adorned with beauty. A patient, however, does not, on the return of health, become another person or lose his identity; neither does Christianity, when reduced to its original state, change its nature or become a novelty.

The faithful existed, at the earliest period, as well as the faith and the people as well as the profession. The churches unconnected with the Romish and reject ing the most obnoxious abominations of Popery, or professing, in all the grand leading truths, the principles of Protestantism, were, from the primitive times, numerous and flourishing. These were the Waldensians, the Greeks, the Nestorians, the Monophysites, the Armenians, and the Syrians.

Western or European Christendom was the theatre of Waldensianism. The patrons of this system were distinguished

by various appellations, such as Cathari, Leonists, Wickliffites, Bohemians and Albigensians. The principal branches of this stock were Waldensianism, Albigensianism, and Wickliffism. These, however, though called by several names, had one common origin and one common faith-the faith of Protestantism.

Albigensianism, indeed, has often been accused of Manicheanism and Arianism. Calumny of this kind has been very common from the Popish pen of misrepresentation against this persecuted denomi nation of Christians. But the imputation is unfounded, and has been refuted by Perrin, Basnage, Usher, Peyran, and Moreri. Moreri, though attached to Romanism, has vindicated the Albigensian theology from this slander with generosity and effect.* This charge, according to Moreri, may be refuted from the silence of original records, the admission of Popish historians, and the testimony of Albigensian confessions.

The original monuments, such as the Chronicle of Tolosa, the testimony of Bernard, Guido, and the Councils of Tours and Lavaur, in 1163 and 1213, contain no trace of this allegation. The Tolosan Chronicle contains an account of the processes against the Albigensians signed by the Inquisitors, and, in many instances, by the bishops; but no mention is made of Albigensian Manicheanism or of Arianism. A similar silence is preserved by Bernard and Guido, as well as by the synods of Tolosa, Tours, and Lavaur, that brought several accusations against this people.t

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The same appears from Popish adma sions. The Albigensians, according Æneas Sylvius, Alexander and Thua were a branch of the Waldensians, eluall admit, were untainted with the his chean or Arian heresy. The postsians, says Alexander, did ney, with the Trinity," and, therefore, isigned to Arians. Bruys, Henry, Os the lumnold, who were the chiefs of id years.

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ers exhibit a Moreri, 1. 234. all its grand Bened. 14. Labb. 12. rominent traits. Du Pin, 2.32. observed, were Aen. Sylv. c. 35. Alex, and, therefore,

1. 222. Du Pin, 1. 318.

§ Alexan. 20. 269. Mabandard of truth.

nation, were never accused of these errors. Moreri, on this subject, quotes the admissions of Mabillon, Tillet, Serrus, Vignier, Guaguin and Marca, in vindication of these injured people.* All these testify that the Albigensians differ little in doctrine from the Waldensians and the reformed, who, all confess, were free from Arianism.

This calumny is repelled by the Albigensian confessions. Several of these remain. One is preserved in Leger. The Treatise on Antichrist, written in 1120, before the days of Waldo, contains an outline of the Albigensian theology. Graverol also possessed an ancient manuscript, which detailed the persecutions of the Inquisition against the professors of Albigensianism. The Confession of Osca, who belonged to this denomination, is still extant, and contains an outline of Protestantism. The Albigensians, who were accused before the council of Lombez, made, in the synod, a public profession of their faith. All these records reject the Manichean and Arian errors, and include, in the essentials, the faith of the Reformation. The accused, at Lombez, professed their belief in one God in three persons, the Father, Son and Spirit; and, therefore, disclaimed Arianism as well as Manicheanism.t

A few Manicheans and Arians, indeed, who lived among the Albigensians, united, as appears from Laurentius and Guido, with the latter denomination to oppose their common persecutors. These, though differing among themselves, conspired against the Roman community, and, in consequence, were confounded by the inquisitors. The common enemy, therefore, ascribed the errors of the one to the other. Laurentius wrote during the hottest persecutions of the Albigensians, whom he distinguished from the Manicheans and Arians. Guido was a Dominican persecutor, and wrote in the Tolosan Chronicle.‡

The antiquity of the Waldensians is admitted by their enemies, and is beyond

* Moreri, 1. 235. Vignier, 3. 233.

† Moreri, 1. 234, 235. Du Pin, 325. Labb. 13. 384.

+ Moreri, 1. 234.

VOL. I.-22

all question. Waldensianism, says Rainerus the Dominican, "is the ancientest heresy; and existed, according to some, from the time of Silvester, and, according to others, from the days of the apostles."* This is the reluctant testimony of an inquisitor in the thirteenth century. He grants that Waldensianism preceded every other heresy.

The Waldensians, say Rainerus, Seysel and Alexander, dated their own origin and the defection of the Romish communion from the Papacy of Silvester. Leo, who flourished in the reign of Constantine, they regard as their founder. Romanism, at this period, ceased to be Christianity, and the inhabitants of the valleys left the unholy communion. These simple shepherds lived, for a long series of years, in the sequestered recesses of the Alpine retreats, opposed to Popish superstition and error.

The Waldensians, as they were ancient, were also numerous. Vignier, from other historians, gives a high idea of their populousness. The Waldensians, says this author, multiplied wonderfully in France, as well as in other countries of Christendom. They had many patrons in Germany, France, Italy, and especially in Lombardy, notwithstanding the papal exertions for their extirpation.

This sect, says Nangis, were infinite in number; appeared, says Rainerus, in nearly every country; multiplied, says Sanderus, through all lands; infected, says Cæsarius, a thousand cities, and spread their contagion, says Ciaconius, through almost the whole Latin world. Scarcely any region, says Gretzer, remained free and untainted from this pestilence.§ The Waldensians, says Popliner, spread, not only through France, but also through nearly all the European coasts, and appeared in Gaul, Spain, England, Scotland, Italy, Germany, Bohemia, Saxony, Poland and Lithuania.|| Matthew Paris represents this people as

• Rainerus, 3. 4.

Alex. 17. 368. Seysel, 9. Moreri, 8. 47.
Vignier, 3 283, 393.

§ Nangis, An. 1207. Dachery, 3. 22. Cæsar. V. 21. Ciacon. 525. Gretz. c. 1.

| Poplin. 1. 7.

spread through Bulgaria, Croatia, Dalmatia, Spain and Germany. Their number, according to Benedict, was prodigious in France, England, Piedmont, Sicily, Calabria, Poland, Bohemia, Saxony, Pomerania, Germany, Livonia, Sarmatia, Constantinople, Philadelphia and Bulgaria.*

Thuanus and Moreri represent the Waldensians as dispersed through Germany, Poland, Livonia, Italy, Apulia, Calabria and Provence.t Persecuted by the Inquisition, this simple people fled into England, Switzerland, Germany, France, Bohemia, Poland and Piedmont, and became, says Newburg, like the sand of the sea, without number in Gaul, Spain, Italy and Germany.‡

The diocese of Passau, it was computed, contained 40 Waldensian schools and eighty thousand Waldensian population. The Albigensian errors, according to Daniel, infected all Languedoc and corrupted the nobility and the populace. The Romish temples, according to Bernard, were left without people, the people without pastors, and the pastors without respect. T

The number of the Albigensians appears from the army which they equipped against the crusaders. Benedict reckons the Albigensian army against Count Montford at 100,000 men.** The French, according to the same historians, sent 300,000 warriors, who, under the holy banners of the cross, went to combat the heretics of Languedoc. Waldensian bravery, even according to his partial relation, withstood for near two hundred years, the vigilance of pontiffs, the piety of bishops, the zeal of monarchs, and the magnanimity of warriors; and injured the church of the west as much as the infidels in the east. The heterodox army of the Albigensians, adds the historian, had nearly, on one occasion, overwhelmed the holy warriors of the

* M. Paris, 306. M. Paris, 381. Bened. 2.

243-248.

†Thuan. XXVII. 8. VI. 16. Moreri, 8. 48. Labb. 13. 285. Newburg. II. 13. Rain. c. 3.

Daniel, 3. 510.

Bernard. Ep. 240.

** Bened. 1. 6, 228, 100, 214.

cross. Any other hero but Montford, if Benedict may be believed, would have despaired of success and abandoned his conquests. The church could oppose to the storm only prayers, tears, and groans; while the Albigensians, in triumphant anticipation, hoped to establish heresy on the ruins of Romanism.

Waldensianism was, in anticipation, a system of the purest Protestantism many ages before the Reformation. This, in its fullest sense, has, with the utmost candour, been acknowledged by many contemporary and succeeding historians who were attached to Romanism. The conformity of the Waldensian with the reformed faith may be shown from Popish statements and admissions, and from Waldensian confessions.

The following statements are taken from the unexceptionable authority of Eneas Sylvius, Petavius, Gaufridus, Serrus, Marca, Thuanus, More, Vignier and Alexander.* The Waldensians, according to Sylvius, afterwards Pius the Second, in his History of Bohemia, rejected the Papacy, purgatory, image-wor ship, sacramental confession, extreme unction, invocation of saints, prayer for the dead, and the use of oil and chrism in baptism. Petavius represents the Christians of the valleys as opposed to the papal supremacy, indulgences, purgatory, fasts, festivals and saint-invocation. The Waldensians, says Gaufridus, in his History of Provence, disseminated their poison till the origin of Lutheranism, and derided the Romish hierarchy, dogmas, rituals, purgatory, saint-invocation, image-worship and prayer for the dead. Serrus and Marca, quoted by Moreri, mention the Waldensian rejection of the supremacy, transubstantiation, purgatory, indulgences, pilgrimages, festivals, tradition, image-worship, decretals of the church, intercession of saints, merit of works and celibacy of the clergy. Thuanus details their disclaimer of the Romish church, pontiff, festivals, mass, monkery, purgatory, worship of saints and prayer for the dead: and More and Vig

* Sylv. c. 35. Petavius, 2. 225. Gaufrid. 2. 458. Moreri, 1. 235. Thuan. 1. 221. More, 387. Vignier, 3. 283.

nier deliver a similar statement on the Waldensian confession, at the commencesubject of Waldensian theology. ment of the Reformation. "The Henricians and Waldensians," says Mezeray, "held nearly the same dogmas as the Calvinists." According to Gaufridus, "the Lutherans and Calvinists praised the learning, disinterestedness and morality of the Waldensians, and consulted them as oracles on points of religion." Moreri, Tillet, Serrus, Evenswyn and Marca grant the agreement of the Waldensian faith in all the principal articles with the reformed theology."*

The following is an outline of Alexander's impartial statement, which the learned Sorbonnist supports by the testimony of the original historians Reinerus, Seysel, Bernard, Pilichdorff and Ebrardus de Bethunia. "The text of the Saered Scriptures is to be received in opposition to traditions and comments. The pope is the head of all errors. The sacraments are only two, baptism and the Lord's Supper. Baptism is not absolutely necessary for salvation. Transubstantiation or the corporcal presence is unscriptural. Penance, matrimony, confirmation, extreme unction and holy orders are no sacraments. The church erred when it enjoined the celibacy of the clergy. Dispensations, indulgences, relics, canonizations, vigils, fasts, festivals, purgatory, alters, consecrations, incensing, processions, exorcisms, holy water, sacerdotal vestments, annual confession, modern miracles, sacred burial, and saint-invocation; all these the Waldensians despised and rejected. Remission of sin is obtained through the merits of Jesus. No sin is venial, but all are mortal. The Virgin Mary herself is not to be worshipped. The Waldensians had just thoughts of God and Jesus, and, therefore, in Alexander's opinion, were Trinitarians. Rainerus himself clears them of the blasphemy of Manicheanism and Arianism. Christian pastors are to be ordained by the imposition of hands; and elders, besides, should be chosen to govern the people."* The Parisian doctor's portrait of Waldensianism presents a picture of Protestantism taken from life. The admissions of Romish historians bear testimony to the conformity of Waldensianism and Albigensianism with Protestantism. This conformity has been admitted, among others, by Gratius, Popliner, Alexander, Mezeray, Gaufridus, Moreri. The Waldensians, says Gratius, "differed little from the reformed in any thing." Popliner admits "their near approximation to the Protestant faith." Alexander acknowledges the same conformity, and Luther's approbation of the

Alex. 17. 370-388.

66

The Waldensian confessions, issued on several occasions, show the conformity of their principles to Protestantism. The Waldensians, who, to avoid persecution, had removed into Bohemia and Moravia, published their Confession in 1504. This formulary of belief was presented to King Ladislaus, in vindication of their character from the slanderous accusations of the Papists and Calixtines. The same people published another Confession in 1535. This was compiled from older documents, and presented by the Bohemian nobility to the Emperor Ferdinand. This celebrated production, as Alexander states, "was prefaced and approved by Luther, and praised by Bucer and Melancthon." Oecolompadius, Beza and Bullinger also recognized these people, though despised and persecuted, as a constituent part of the great Christian commonwealth. The Lutherans and Zuinglians, in this manner, acknowledged the Waldensians as Christians, and their faith as the truth of the Gospel. The Waldensians also published a Confession in the reign of Francis the First. This, in 1544, was followed by another, which, in 1551, was transmitted to the French king and read in the Parisian Parliament. All these are in strict harmony with the reformed theology; and all breathe the spirit and teach he truths of Christianity. This same people, as late as 1819, in a Confession found among the manuscripts of Peyran, declared their adherence to the doctrines

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of the churches of England, Netherlands, Germany, Prussia, Switzerland, Poland and Hungary; and entreated these communions and others settled in America, to regard them, though few and destitute, as members of the same ecclesiastical body.

The sanctity of Waldensian morality corresponded with the purity of the Waldensian faith. The piety, benevolence, innocence and holiness of this people have challenged the esteem and extorted the approbation of friend and foe, of the Protestant, the Papist, and even the inquisitor. Many partizans of Popery have concurred with the patrons of Protestantism in their eulogy. The following character of this people is taken from Rainerus, Seysel, Lewis, Hagec, Alexander, Labbé, Gaufrid and Thuanus.

Rainerus, quoted by Alexander, admits" their show of piety and integrity before men." This is pretty well for a Dominican inquisitor, who discovered, however, that Waldensian piety was mere dissimulation. But Rainerus also acknowledges" their sobriety, modesty, chastity and temperance, with their aversion to taverns, balls, vanity, anger, scurrility, detraction, levity, swearing and falsehood. He grants their attention, men and women, young and old, night and day, to learning or teaching; and he had seen a Waldensian rustic, who repeated Job, word for word, and many who perfectly knew the whole of the New Testament."*

Seysel acknowledged "their purity of life, which excelled that of other Christians." Lewis, the French king, asserted" their superiority, both to himself and to his other subjects, who were professors of Catholicism." Hagec admits" their simplicity of habits and their show of piety," under which, however, his penetration enabled him exclusively to discover" their miscreancy." His eyes must have been very clear to discern miscreancy through such distinguished simplicity and piety. Alexander portrays "their disposition to love their enemies, to live, if possible, in peace with all men, and, at the same time, to avoid revenge,

Rain. c. 4, 7, 9. Alex. 17, 38, 390, 393.

judicial litigation, love of the world and the company of the wicked." Alexander, also, vindicates the Waldensians from the calumny of Ebrard and Emeric, who had accused them of avarice, lewdness and unchastity. Labbé, like Rainerus and Hagec, allows the Waldensians "a pretended show of piety." The Jesuit, of course, must, like the inquisitor and the historian, have been a notable discerner of hearts. Gaufrid mentions "their industry, which, in a superior manner, cultivated the lands and increased the national revenue." Thuanus records "their detestation of perjury, imprecations, scur rility, litigation, sedition, gluttony, drunkenness, whoredom, divination, sacrilege, theft and usury." He mentions their chastity, which they accounted a particular honour, their cultivation of manners, their knowledge of letters, their expertness in writing, and their skill in French. A boy could scarcely be found among them, but, if questioned on his religion, could, with readiness, give a reason for his faith. Tribute they paid with the utmost punctuality; and if prevented for a time by civil war, they discharged this debt on the return of peace.'

The Waldensians, notwithstanding the sanguinary persecutions of Romanism, still exist, and still are persecuted in their native valleys. A population of twenty thousand always remains, and exhibit, to an admiring world, all the grandeur of truth and all the beauty of holiness. Their relics still show what they have been, and they continue unaltered amid the revolution of ages. The world has changed around this sacred society; while its principles and practice, through all the vicissitudes of time, live immutably the same. The Waldensian church, though despised by the Roman hierarchy, illuminated, in this manner, the dark ages; and appears, in a more enlightened period, the clearest drop in the ocean of truth, and shines the brightest constellation in the firmament of holiness: sparkles the richest gem in the diadem of Immanuel, and blooms the fairest flower in the garden of God.

Seysel, 92. Alex. 17. 387. Camer. 419. Hagec, 550. Lenfan. 1. 10. Alex. 17. 399. Alex. 17. 389. Labbeus, 13. 285. Gaufride, 2.458. Thuận. 2. 85, 89, 91.

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