light it is already seen by every cool, dispassionate, and sensible man; and that the whole nation will contemplate and construe the business of this night as an act of personal oppression, I am thoroughly convinced: nor can they think otherwise, when they learn, that in all the law books of this country, in all your journals, in all the histories of parliament, in all the annals of elections, in this great land of elections, where from time to time all that power, all that ingenuity, all that opulence could devise or execute, has been tried in elections-where, in the vast mass of cases that have happened, in all the multiplied variety of singular and curious contests we read and hear of, nothing is found that assimilates with, or authorizes this scrutiny, under these circumstances-not even by the worst of men, in the worst of times. Sir, I will acquit the honourable gentleman over against me* of being the author, or being a voluntary instrument in this vile affair; and in that concession, sir, I do not give him much—it is but crediting him for a little common sense indeed, when I suppose that, from a regard to that government of which he is the nominal leader, from a regard to his own character with the world at this time, and his reputation with posterity, he acts his part in this business not without concern. That he may be accusable of too servile a compliance is probable enough; but of a free agency in it I believe he is guiltless. Not to him, sir, but to its true cause, do I attribute this shameful attack; to that black, that obstinate, that stupid spirit, which by some strange infatuation pervades, and has pervaded the councils of this country, throughout the whole course of this unfortunate and calamitous reign-to that weak, that fatal, that damnable system, which has been the cause of all our disgraces, and all our miseries-to those secret advisers, who hate with rancour, and revenge with cruelty to those malignant men, whose character it is to harass the object of their enmity with a relent * Mr. Pitt. less and insatiate spirit of revenge; to those, sir, and not to the honourable gentleman, do I impute this unexampled persecution. Having said so much as to the real authors of this measure, there remains another consideration with which I am desirous to impress the house; it is a consideration, however, which in policy I ought to conceal, because it will be an additional incitement to my enemies to proceed in their career with vigour; but it will nevertheless show the extreme oppression and glaring impolicy of this scrutiny-I mean, the consideration of expense. I have had a variety of calculations made upon the subject of this scrutiny, and the lowest of all the estimates is 18,000l. This, sir, is a serious and an alarming consideration. But I know it may be said (and with a pitiful triumph it perhaps will be said) that this is no injury to me, in as much as I shall bear but a small portion of the burthen.-But this, sir, to me, is the bitterest of all reflections! Affluence is, on many accounts, an enviable state: but if ever my mind languished for, and sought that situation, it is upon this occasion; it is to find that, when I can bear but a small part of this enormous load of wanton expenditure, the misfortune of my being obnoxious to bad men in high authority should extend beyond myself; it is when I find that those friends whom I respect for their generosity, whom I value for their virtues, whom I love for their attachment to me, and those spirited constituents to whom I am bound by every tie of obligation, by every feeling of gratitude, should, besides the great and important injury they receive in having no representation in the popular legislature of this country, be forced into a wicked waste of idle and fruitless costs, only because they are too kind, too partial to me. This, sir, is their crime, and for their adherence to their political principles, and their personal predilection for me, they are to be punished with these complicated hardships. These, sir, are sad and severe reflections; and although I am convinced they will infuse fresh cou rage into my enemies, and animate them the more to carry every enmity to the most vexatious and vindictive extremity, still it shows the wickedness of this scrutiny, and the fatality of its effects as an example for future ministers. Little remains for me now to say upon this subject; and I am sure I am unwilling to trespass more upon the house than is barely necessary. I cannot, however, omit to make an observation upon an argument of two learned gentlemen,* who concluded two very singular speeches with this very singular position -That the house had only to choose between issuing a new writ, or ordering the scrutiny; that in its lenity it might adopt the latter method-but that their opinion was, for issuing a new writ. a new writ. Now, sir, if I, who think the old writ totally annihilated; who think that its powers and authorities have been completely extinct since the 18th of May, had delivered such an opinion, there would have been nothing in it inconsistent; and I should certainly be for issuing a new writ in preference to a scrutiny, if the law, the reason of the thing, and the practice of parliament did not convince me, that the high bailiff having finished the election on the 17th, might make a return as of that day. But for the learned gentlemen who contend that the old writ is still in full vigour and force; who think that the high baliff has acted constitutionally and legally, and that a scrutiny may go on after the return of the writ-for those gentlemen to assert, that issuing a new one would be the fitter measure, is indeed extraordinary. But, sir, against that position, that the house might order the scrutiny to pro ceed, as a measure of lenity, I beg leave directly to oppose myself! I beg leave to deprecate such lenity, such oppressive, such cruel lenity! To issue a new writ is a severe injustice, and a great hardship; but if I am forced to the alternative, if I am driven to the necessity of choosing between two evils, I do implore the house rather to issue a * The Lord Advocate and Mr. Hardinge. new writ, than to order this scrutiny. Nothing can possibly be half so injurious, half so burthensome, half so vexatious to me, and to my friends, as this scrutiny and it is evidently ineffectual, as it cannot be supposed that I should finally submit to the decision of a tribunal from which I have so little justice to expect. There is nothing, I assure the house, to which I should not rather resort, than to the conscience of Mr. Thomas Corbett; upon whom, I do not expect, that the translation of scene from Covent Garden to St. Ann's, or proceeding upon a scrutiny instead of a poll, will operate such conversions, as to give me any hope of his displaying any other character, or appearing in any other light, than that in which I have seen him upon many occasions in his official capacity. Therefore, sir, if it be only the alternative, I beg that the issuing a new writ may be the alternative you will adopt. In that case, I assure the honourable gentleman,* that I shall immediately apply to him for one of the Chiltern Hundreds to vacate my seat for Kirkwall, and instantly throw my. self, as my only chance for the honour of sitting in this house, upon the good opinion of the electors of Westminster; who, in a season of phrensy and general delusion; who, when artifice, fallacy, and imposture prevailed but too successfully in other parts of the country, discovered a sagacity, a firmness, and a steadiness superiour to the effects of a vulgar and silly clamour; and who, upon the very spot, the very scene of action, manifested that they understood and despised the hypocrisy, the fraud, and falsehood which gulled and duped their fellow subjects in other places. In the event of a new election, I do anticipate future triumphs more brilliant, more splendid if possible, than those I had lately the honour of enjoying. Little fear do I feel of success with the electors of Westminster, who will not, I am sure, abandon me until I desert those principles which first recommended me to their favour! * Mr. Pitt. A person of great rank in this house* has thrown out a hint or threat, I know not which to call it, in a former debate, "that I should not again disturb the peace of the city of Westminster." Good God, sir! did any man ever hear such aggravating, such insulting insinuations? I disturb the peace of Westminster! Is that honourable gentleman not contented with breaking every law, with violating every statute, with overturning every analogy and every precedent, to accomplish this business; but must he, at the very moment he thus makes a deep breach in the English constitution, complete the catalogue of injury, by adding pertness and personal contumely to every species of rash and inconsiderate violence! I, I disturb the peace of this city, who have three times had the honour of representing it in this house! I, who was favoured with the free suffrages of its electors, long, long, before any of those who lately opposed me, were ever talked of, ever thought of for such a distinction! Every man qualified to sit in parliament, has a right to offer himself wherever he thinks proper; and it is indecent, daring, and audacious in any man, to insinuate that he ought not to disturb the peace of the place. I, therefore, hope, sir, that a language so peculiarly false and unbecoming towards me, and so directly repugnant to the genius and spirit of the constitution, will meet with the disapprobation it deserves in this house, as it certainly will be received with merited odium, and execration out of this house. Upon the generous protection of the electors of this city, I shall certainly throw myself, in case of a new writ; and, in doing so, sir, well I am aware what a series of various difficulties I have to encounter. Expenses at elections, in despite of every effort to reduce them, still continue most exorbitant; and how ill matched in funds and certain inexhaustible resources, I stand with my opponents, is indeed very unnecessary to explain: but, Sir, it is not in the article of expenses that I should most dread the opera * Mr. Fox was supposed to allude to Mr. Pitt. |
