would not maintain the Statute, not only hastened the movement on Rome before the 30th of April, but afterwards was more anxious to triumph over republican than clerical obstinacy, thus seconding, unconsciously, the designs of his rivals. He was told by some, that if the French were to enter Rome without having obtained any guarantee from the Pope for liberal institutions, they would not be able to obtain them afterwards; that it would be much less difficult to batter down the walls of Rome, than to conquer the resistance of the clergy; that the Republic once dead, the Pope would not accept any conditions; the French would restore the domination of the clergy, with all its ancient vices, and that afterwards they would have to maintain with their arms the Government which their arms had restored, thus exciting against France the popular hatred which was the unenviable inheritance of Austria. M. d'Harcourt appeared to be convinced by these representations, but in the midst of the confusion which prevailed at Gaeta, and the impatience of the military chiefs, he could not take a straightforward course. He had wished the Constitutional party to bestir itself to aid the negotiations set on foot by his Government, and did not take into account that that party could not bestir itself, since the Prince had torn the Statute to pieces. The Ministers of the French Republic also, with the exception of those who had a common understanding with the Court at Gaeta, would have wished to restore the Statute, but having uppermost in their minds the speedy occupation of Rome, they did not perceive, that by entering it without any

guarantee, they closed the door against all hope of accomplishing the undertaking according to their wishes; that the Rome which the French would have to take in order to restore the Constitutional power was not seated on the seven hills, but on the rock of Gaeta; and that by establishing themselves at Cività Vecchia, extending their army as much as possible through the State, and preventing the Austrians and Neapolitans from besieging the capital, they would have besieged Gaeta and the Republic-the one would have been destroyed by fatigue and disorder, and other would have come to terms through necessity. But the French wanted to proceed too fast; military vain glory tempted them on; vanity governed them; and the Catholic party incited them to conquer in battle, and to lose in sagacity and reputation.

CHAPTER VI.

ARTICLES OF THE CONVENTION FIRST
OUDINOT. SCHEME DRAWN UP

PROJECTED BY LESSEPS AND AFTERWARDS. SPEECHES AND

HOPES OF LESSEPS.-REPRESENTATIONS MADE BY THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE ASSEMBLY.-ANSWER OF THE ENVOY.-DISCUSSIONS. OBSERVATIONS.-SECRET SITTING OF THE ASSEMBLY.-RESOLUTION.-LETTER OF THE TRIUMVIRS.-DEMONSTRATIONS AND OPERATIONS OF THE FRENCH ARMY.-ADVICE OF GENERAL OUDinot. -NEGOTIATION OF THE AMBASSADOR OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.-TEXT OF THE PROTEST SIGNED BY LESSEPS AND OUDINOT. LETTER FROM LESSEPS TO THE TRIUMVIRS.-OBSTINACY OF MAZZINI. OBSERVATIONS.-ANSWER OF MAZZINI TO LESSEPS.— DESPATCH FROM LESSEPS TO HIS GOVERNMENT.-HIS ANXIETY.— HIS LETTER TO THE ASSEMBLY.-HIS MANIFESTO TO THE FRENCH.HIS DEPARTURE FOR THE CAMP.-LETTER TO PARIS.-OBSERVATIONS.

M. LESSEPS and General Oudinot had drawn up a scheme, according to the terms of which the French army was to be received into Rome, the Triumvirs were to resign office, and a temporary magistracy, elected by the Assembly, was to assume supreme authority until the population should decide by a fresh vote on the form of government, and on the guarantees to be given to the Church and the Papacy. But when the Envoy by conversing with the Triumvirs and the persons of most reputation amongst the Republicans, had become acquainted with the feeling of the Assembly and the city, he perceived that it would be necessary to change

his tone, and on his return to the camp in order to communicate his views to the General, he compiled a new scheme in which the Roman States were to ask the fraternal protection of the French Republic; the people were to have the right to pronounce freely on the form of government; Rome was to receive the French troops as friends; the French and Roman troops were to perform conjointly the service of the city; and the Roman authorities were to confine themselves, according to their legal attributes, within their proper functions. Animated by a desire to gratify the public, M. Lesseps went about affirming that Paris was illacquainted with the state of Rome; that the Government had been led into error by its ambassadors, but that he would represent matters in their true light; he would say that, taking into account the events which are the natural result of revolutions, the Roman Government was proceeding legally; he would say that if love of the Republic was not universal, hatred of priestly domination was, and he would use such diligence that in a very short time honour should result to France, Rome should have satisfaction, and the clergy should receive correction. The Commissioners of the Assembly then went to him to. execute their commission, and having emphatically urged him, with all the best arguments they could think of, to defend the Republic from false accusations, they pressed him in the first place to recognise it, as the phrase is, in the name of France, as otherwise Rome could not open her gates to the army which every one believed had been sent to reinstate the Pope on his throne. But

the Envoy, who had been charged not to consent to any terms which would establish the Republic, confined himself to generals, endeavouring to convince the Commissioners of the favourable nature of the articles which he had recommended.

"I am guarantee for the protection of France," he said, "only let Rome trust to France and to me. I guarantee the right of the people to establish a form of government, and if, through regard for the peace of Europe, France cannot at once sanction the result to which the first elections have led, she will certainly ratify a fresh declaration; and as by your own testimony the people are firm in their attachment to the Republic, and their aversion to the rule of the clergy, you are certain to have your earnest desires of securing a popular Government entirely satisfied. But how can France take upon herself the office of protecting you from the violence of Austria and Naples, and from priestly treachery, if you do not give her any tokens of friendship, but on the contrary show signs of distrust towards her, by closing the gates of Rome against her soldiers? And shall the honour of the French arms be tarnished; and can you believe that so proud a nation will suffer it patiently; or that your enemies, of whom you have many and powerful ones amongst us, will not take occasion thence to excite the public mind? And do you imagine the army and its General will submit to so great humiliation; that the French Ambassadors, who hitherto have laboured in this affair with so little advantage to you, will not exert themselves to frustrate my endeavours to produce concord? By the love which you bear to your country, by your hatred of slavery, by the faith which you have in liberty, I entreat you to accept the articles which I now lay before you."

The Commissioners answered that they had no power to proceed to stipulations, but only the mission to inquire into the intentions of the Envoy deputed to bring the French expedition back to its first principles,