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attempt upon the city, though the Commissioners of the French Assembly had expressed the desire that the army should not move from Cività Vecchia upon Rome, except to preserve it from foreign invasion or the fury of illiberal factions; it was to advance, as Barrot had said, not as a conqueror, but as an invited arbitrator. But if the Assembly, the prime minister and his colleagues, had intended to give this colour to the expedition, M. Falloux, who represented in the Cabinet the party which styles itself Catholic, and M. Montalembert, powerful in the Assembly by his genius and eloquence, and supported out of doors by a large body of the clergy, had in view a speedy and complete restoration of the Papal power, and were anxious that the French army should reap the principal merit and honour of the enterprise. Thus, perhaps, the Catholic party in France thought to make the nephew of Napoleon expiate, to the spiritual profit of France, and the temporal profit of the clergy, the robbery of Miollis, and the captivity of Fontainebleau. Emissaries of every kind had flocked to Paris to stimulate catholic zeal, to demand alms for St. Peter, to narrate miracles, to whisper prophecies, and to assert that the Romans were awaiting the French with open arms as paladins of the faith, and the avant guard of the Pope. One of these busybodies, a monk, Vaures by name, went about with a wonderful tale; how Gregory XVI. had pardoned the youthful errors of Louis Napoleon, had blessed him, and exclaimed, "My benediction shall descend on the youthful Prince, and shall enable him to render an immense service to the church," with other such like stories.

The republicans, too, sent emissaries to Paris to stir up the secret societies, but they threw out their baits publicly, and caught nothing but smoke, whereas the monks went about quietly, and managed so as to obtain both arms and money. The Commissioners, whom the French Government had sent into Italy, generally applied for information to the clergy. Even those who asked advice from the friends of free institutions were but little the wiser, though they flattered themselves they had acquired in a few days perfect knowledge of both men and measures, and were led to place implicit confidence in the exaggerated statements of the retrograde party. It was on this party that M. Forbin Janson placed such reliance, that he endeavoured to throw discredit on every one who ventured to doubt its power or principles, or believed that it could be hateful to the people, and unworthy of France, to restore the evil rule of the clergy. All were caressed and believed who suggested means for drawing away the Roman troops from their allegiance to the Republic, who exaggerated the number of deserters, who promised submission, and were generously inclined to promise anything. The same favour was shown to those who wrote that General Oudinot would be received as a liberator-"let him only make an armed demonstration, and leave the devout to do the rest."

But the court of Gaeta was not over well pleased at the zeal of the French, because it was expecting more certain friends, and because the Government of France had exhorted it to make free institutions the basis of the throne. On the 17th of April, the Minister for

Foreign Affairs had written to Messrs. d'Harcourt and de Rayneval in the following terms:

"You will have the goodness, when you announce to Cardinal Antonelli the departure of the division commanded by General Oudinot, to explain to him clearly the object and extent of the resolution we have taken. The Cardinal will understand that, to be in a condition to benefit by it, the Pope ought promptly to publish a manifesto, which, by guaranteeing to the people such liberal institutions as are conformable to their wishes, as well as to the requirements of the times, may render all resistance impossible. This manifesto, published simultaneously with our appearance on the coasts of the Papal State, would be the signal for a reconciliation from which only a few malcontents would be excluded. You will earnestly insist on the utility and the necessity, moreover, of such a document. It will be easy for you to explain to the members of the Conference at Gaeta, that if we have not deemed it expedient to wait their deliberations, it is because the rapid course of events did not permit us to do so. What we desire is, that the Pope, in returning to Rome, should be in a position satisfactory to himself and to his people; one which should secure Italy and Europe from fresh commotions, and which should not compromise either the equilibrium or the independence of the Italian States. The measures to which we have had recourse are those best fitted, if I do not mistake, to attain this object. They will, therefore, secure the approbation of all the friends of order and of peace."

The Court scouted his ad vice, and M. d'Harcourt was greatly annoyed in consequence; but believing that the occupation of Rome would give it weight and authority, he wrote to General Oudinot on the 26th that "it was desired at Gaeta that the French should abstain from active operations, and be content with the office of mediators, and that such an humiliating and wretched condition could only be avoided by proceeding without delay to Rome."

Captain Fabar, although he had seen with his own. eyes the state in which the city was, said, on his return to the camp: "General, I have seen the leaders of the people, and notwithstanding their assertions, I am convinced that the French army would be received with gratitude in the Roman States, provided that it immediately makes a vigorous demonstration against that nest of Italian mob rule." And the French ambas

sador wrote again from Gaeta :

"Forward! forward! it is of the greatest importance that you should hasten towards Rome. Your sudden and unexpected arrival at Cività Vecchia, General, has excited both wonder and fear; you must take advantage of the opportunity. you allow the insurgents time to regain their courage, they will prepare means of resistance, and will make us shed blood against our wishes."

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And Messrs. d'Harcourt and de Rayneval wrote:"Forward, General! you will not find, whatever people may say, any decided resistance at Rome; the majority of the citizens will come and meet you as soon as you show yourself."

So the general decided upon advancing. On the 28th of April, he declared Cività Vecchia to be in a state of siege, closed the clubs, dismissed the National Guard, put his own soldiers into the Arsenal and the Fort, disbanded the volunteers, disarmed the battalions of bersaglieri commanded by Mellara, prohibited the Municipal magistrates to hold sittings without his order, and without the presence of his military delegates, and addressed his soldiers in the following words:

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'Soldiers! you are aware of the events which have conducted you into the Roman States. Hardly was he raised to

the Pontifical Throne, ere the generous Pius IX. acquired the affections of his people by instituting liberal reforms. But a factious party, which has brought misfortune upon all Italy, armed itself at Rome under pretence of Liberty. The Sovereign Pontiff was obliged to retire into exile, on account of a rebellion, inaugurated by the unpunished and vaunted assassination of his Prime Minister.

"Under these auspices, and without the concurrence of the majority of the electors, the Republic of Rome was founded; a Republic which has not been recognised by a single European Government. Yet I addressed myself, as soon as I arrived, to men of all parties, hoping to unite them under a common submission to the national will. The phantasm of a Government which has its seat at Rome, replies to my conciliatory words with reiterated bravadoes. Soldiers! let us accept the challenge; let us hasten to Rome. We shall not meet as enemies either the citizens or the soldiers of Rome. Both consider us liberators. We have to fight with the proscribed of all nations, who oppress this country, after having ruined the cause of liberty in their own. Under the French banner, on the contrary, liberal institutions will have all the development compatible with the interests and the usages of the Roman nation."

The President was arrested, because, as was his duty, he had given an account of these proceedings to the Government, and made them matter of complaint. The ministers Rusconi and Pescantini, who had set out again from Rome to acquaint the General with the firm determination which had been taken to resist him, and to endeavour to stop him on the way, were unable to gain access to him, and received no answer to a letter which they wrote to him. On the 27th he sent an advanced guard to Palo; on the 28th, having left a garrison in Cività Vecchia, he marched his army, consisting of about 6000 men, two batteries of Artillery,

VOL. IV.

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