informed him that their master was expected.

He

did arrive shortly after, and remonstrated with his guest, who would not accept any other lodging within or without the palace; and because, having remonstrated in vain, he may have made use of some expressions fitting for an Alpi, he was arrested and in broad daylight led to prison, whilst the Austrian to whom he appealed condemned him to be shot, if he did not make an apology. Thus the allies of the Pope paid their debt of gratitude towards those estimable men, who had assisted the Pope with their counsel and courageous acts in most difficult times. Simonetti appealed to Gaeta, and received courteous words, of which this was the result, that in a little time Alpi was raised to an important post in the administration of the State.

VOL. IV.

M

CHAPTER IX.

M. DE RAYNEVAL AT THE CAMP.-NOTE FROM HIM TO LESSEPS.HIS ANSWER.-TERMS PROPOSED TO THE ROMAN GOVERNMENT BY LESSEPS AND OUDINOT.-DELIBERATIONS AND PROPOSALS OF THE TRIUMVIRS.-MOVEMENTS OF GENERAL OUDINOT.-DEMANDS MADE

BY LESSEPS.-HIS NOTE.-DECLARATIONS MADE BY THE GENERAL. -MEETING AND COMPLAINT OF THE GENERALS.-ANSWER MADE LESSEPS.-ANGRY WORDS OF

BY

OUDINOT.-RESOLUTION

AT

APPEALS.-LESSEPS

TAKEN BY HIM.-FRESH ROME.-HIS STIPULATIONS WITH THE TRIUMVIRS.-LESSEPS RETURNS TO THE CAMP.ANGER OF GENERAL OUDINOT.-OPEN

DISAGREEMENT.-ORDERS

OF THE FRENCH GOVERNMENT.-INTIMATION OF WAR.-STATE OF THE FRENCH ARMY.-FORCES OF THE REPUBLIC.-ADVICE OF COLONEL LE BLANC ON THE ATTACK OF ROME.-PLAN OF GENERAL VAILLANT.-IT IS APPROVED.-SURPRISE BY THE FRENCH.ENGAGEMENTS OF THE 3RD OF JUNE.-WORKS OF APPROACH.ATTEMPTS OF THE ROMANS TO DESTROY THEM.-SALLIES.-INSTANCES OF BRAVERY.

As soon as M. de Rayneval, who was the most eager of all the French Envoys and Ambassadors that the army should enter Rome, knew that M. Lesseps was still endeavouring to keep it back, and was about to open fresh negotiations, he went to him from Gaeta, on the 27th of May, and thus addressed him, first by word of mouth, and then in writing:

"Since you have been pleased to confide to me fully all your ideas, your intentions, and your proceedings, I have not only to thank you for the trust you have placed in me, but to reciprocate it by putting you in full possession of my thoughts. My

personal opinion is of little importance; but the Government of the Republic, by formally inviting you to confer with me as its Plenipotentiary at the Conference of Gaeta, did not certainly intend that language and conduct of two different kinds should be observed here. Now I maintain that you have not avoided this error, which is a very great one in my estimation, because it places the honour and good faith of our country in question. And I also maintain that you act without taking account of antecedents, under the guidance of your own inspirations, and without any written order from Government.

"You differ entirely from M. d'Harcourt and me, and you rely only on the knowledge (important certainly) which you have of the intentions of the Government of the Republic, in conformity with the most recent dates, and you decide as supreme arbiter, fettering the army.

"At first you pushed on the negotiations so fast, that you ran in the face of obstacles which appear to me to be as perilous as those of which you stood in fear; but you have appealed to the supreme judgment of the Government, and it is right to await its decision, which I hope will soon arrive.

"It may be that the people of Rome will open the gates of their city to us, but they will delay the longer, the more inactive they see the army; and by the conditions which you have proposed, the question, instead of advancing to a solution, will be delayed.

"I protest with all the force of my conviction against those conditions. They not only compel us to recognise a Government which the Republic has formally declared it will not recognise, but they oblige us to make an alliance, offensive and defensive, with it. And this is a serious violation of the orders of Government, at least of those with which I am acquainted.

"By those conditions we not only defy the three Powers who have declared war against the Government of Rome, and who are supported by the whole of Europe, but a superior Power, also, which is decreed to have great influence over our destinies -the Papacy.

Secondly, it is a serious violation of the rules laid down by the Government of the Republic, which has not declared war against Austria, and only wishes to place itself in a condition to make French influence weigh, as it ought to do, in the final settlement of the affairs of Rome.

"By uniting yourself thus with the enemies of the Pope, you compulsorily throw him back, and to a greater degree than ever, under the influence of Austria, and this is not the result which we desire to produce.

"Can it be the intention of France to extend the hand of fellowship to a Government which began by an assassination, and which looks for salvation only from our own intestine disturbances?

"I beg you to observe that, by recognising this Government, we destroy the only basis on which we can plant our feet firmly. If it had been by our aid that this Government had obtained existence-if it had arisen from the free will of the nation, we ought to support it. We have no right to exert ourselves to overthrow it, except it should appear to us to be what it really is, the work of a faction, composed in a great measure of foreigners.

"You fetter the army, and forget the maxim, that if you desire peace you must prepare for war. You expose the army to laxity of discipline and disease; the army-which longs to prove what it can accomplish, which pants to cast another ray of glory on the French name-the army is condemned to capitulate. Whilst it remains inactive before the walls of Rome, the Austrians are advancing, and the Pope is very likely to go to Bologna, to re-establish the seat of his authority there, beneath their shield.

"Should we be in a position to address the Austrians and the Pope in language befitting France, as long as we remained before the walls of Rome, even were it permitted us as a favour to share the posts of the city with Roman soldiers? We should have no resource against the first, excepting violence, an extreme measure, which would be perfectly ineffectual against the latter.

"Popular Assemblies, in countries like this, do not possess the moral force which they may have amongst us, because every one knows that in Italy the population is incapable of expressing its wishes in this manner. By leaving the people to decide on the future fate of the Roman States we declare implicitly that we do not any longer recognise the sovereignty of the Pope, at the same time that we have solemnly announced to Europe that we will respect the territorial divisions laid down in treaties.

"I am by no means alarmed at the proceedings of Protestant Missionaries. They may create discord; nothing

more.

"One word more on the Kingdom of Naples. You expose it to be overrun by those bands which our invasion sets free. Does the Government of the Republic wish, then, that the Italian agitations, hardly put down in the north, in the centre, and in Sicily, should recommence at Naples? I have said sufficient to prove to you that I am grieved at the turn which affairs have taken. I should deplore, equally with you, that a way should be opened for the Pope, stained with blood, and covered with ruins. That need not be. In my opinion, a firm attitude assumed by the army, an attack, with no other result than the fall of a few old walls, would have constituted us masters of the other quarters of Rome, and would have determined the population to declare itself in our favour. At any rate, we should have secured ourselves a strong position, and a healthy situation, satisfactory to our national pride, and to the necessity of our policy. Sooner or later we should have been received into Rome without conditions. The Romans. would have been touched by our generosity, and we should not have then had to struggle against promises impossible to be maintained, and which seriously compromise us in the face of all Europe, as will be the case if you succeed in your intentions.

"I have thought it my duty formally to decline all responsibility as to what has been done since your arrival. But I will not conclude without rendering homage to your zeal and your motives, or without begging you to consider my extreme frank