to be. At one time they were made to run races, like animals, for a prize, at the conclusion of the Carnival, and they bought themselves off only by paying for the horse races; every Sabbath they were chased with a horsewhip to hear a Catholic sermon in the Oratory of the Confraternity of the Trinity; the Ghetto was closed an hour after sunset, woe to whoever dared to venture out of it-only those who had money could purchase a few hours of liberty from the sbirri. Pius IX. had mitigated these hardships, and had thereby gained gratitude from the Jews, and praise from the Christians; but a few fanatics, and many of the lowest grade of sbirri, who were accustomed to speculate on the tribulation and misery of these unhappy beings, raised a tumult in the October of 1848. Rossi punished them, and they treasured up the affront, for when the Clerical Government and the Vicariate were restored, they revenged themselves on the Jews, by giving it out that there were treasures concealed in the Ghetto; and in consequence of this, from 4000 to 5000 citizens, for that was the number of Jews in Rome, were given up to the police. The French besieged the Ghetto on the night of the 24th of October, and at dawn on the following day they began the search, which lasted three days: all the houses were ransacked; no one could go out, no one enter; the sick were left without physicians, lying-in women without aid, the poor without bread; the police did not find any stolen goods, but they carried off money and utensils of silver; they did not find any thieves, but they arrested some bonest men. Vain were the urgent

appeals made during those three days by some respectable Jews, who resided outside the Ghetto, or who had been out of it when the siege began, and who did all in their power to obtain justice and mercy; vain also were the exertions made by M. de Courcelles, until murmurs began to rise high in the city, and even amongst the French officers; at last, owing to the urgent appeals of M. de Courcelles, and the complaints made by some wealthy Hebrews who had arrived in Rome at the crisis, the raid and the siege were stopped. The oppressed demanded justice and a trial, but they never obtained it, and I believe that they did not all recover even their money and their property.

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This was the way in which the Cardinal Triumvirs performed the promise they had made M. de Rayneval, before they left Gaeta, to cast, as far as was possible, a veil over the past, and to govern with moderation; and thus General Oudinot followed the advice given him by M. de Rayneval, who had written to him to say that, although the Holy Father and his Commissioners had full power, yet he ought, at all costs, to prevent political persecution and especially incarcerations." It is reported, on good authority, that Cardinal Antonelli heard with complacency that the Triumvirs were committing these excesses, for in sending his rivals, Della Genga and Vannicelli, to Rome, it had been his object that the odium of the first and most violent measures should fall upon them, and sink them completely in public opinion. The French Ambassadors bore these excesses with impatience, but as it was their first and greatest wish

not to disgust the Pope, and thereby delay his return to Rome, they abstained from open remonstrance, and from any vigorous measures in opposition to them. And as the Pope did not make up his mind to return, they arranged that General Oudinot, who was greatly in his favour, should go to Gaeta and solicit him. This commission he performed with much zeal, and after he had urged his petition on Pius IX. he wrote the following note to Cardinal Antonelli :

"The return of His Holiness is the question that over rides and embraces every other. The moral and material calamities which afflict the Pontifical States are great, and require remedies equally speedy and vigorous. The distance that separates Rome from Gaeta is, in itself alone, an obstacle which restrains and weakens the hands of Government.

"The presence of the Holy Father in the midst of his subjects would be a splendid proof of reconciliation and oblivion of the past.

"When the Sovereign Pontiff shall be pleased to take upon himself the office of personally remedying these difficulties, they will become less complicated and less serious; business will be better studied, and decisions arrived at more speedily and regularly. It cannot be denied, that at present the different departments of the Administration are wanting in uniformity and unity, whence disagreements and inevitable inconsistencies arise. Everything which retards the return of the Holy Father to Rome cannot but increase the uncertainty of France, whilst the continued duration of public calamities will encourage the factions, and furnish them with new arms against the temporal authority of the Holy Father. It will be said that the Pontifical Government has had its day; that it has no faith in

its future; that even with the assistance of the Catholic Powers, it admits itself to be unable to fulfil the task of its own restoration. Perhaps calumny will even endeavour to insinuate that His Holiness fears imaginary perils, and does not enter

tain that reciprocal affection for his subjects which is an equal source of happiness to the Sovereign and his people.

"Whatever may happen, the French army will always and everywhere perform its duty; it will remain faithful to its accustomed habits of discipline and fidelity; but if its soldiers have nothing else to do than to suppress intestine broils-if the solicitude of the Holy Father proceeds at a slow and tardy pace-public opinion in France will become hostile to the Italian expedition.

"What will the French Government do then? I cannot tell. But it is very certain, and it is my duty to state it, that, in any case, the return of the Holy Father is imperiously demanded by the public good. There is no danger, in my opinion, in such a course, whilst, on the other hand, all delay will be fatal.

"Animated by this conviction, the General-in-Chief respect fully urges His Holiness to deign to honour, as speedily a possible, the City of Rome with his presence, so ardently an justly desired."

The Pope replied, as he had already done to Messrs. de Rayneval and de Courcelles, that, on account of the spiritual nature of his dominion, he could not make special and definitive promises, so long as he had not made up his mind about certain eventualities, and above all, as long as he was required to make promises to a great Power, which made its own plans and requirements known to all. It might seem, in such a case, as though he had yielded to force; his actions would not be believed to be spontaneous. Now, he did not wish to be brought into such a position; his intentions were well known; he had given his people proofs of an affection which he had manifested by sacrifices; ingratitude and exile had not changed his heart; he constantly addressed to the Almighty one sole prayer, and in this prayer he

entreated the triumph of religion and the peace of all nations, specially of that people whom Providence had placed beneath his care. Notwithstanding, he would endeavour to gratify France, and would return to his States in the course of a few days; he would reside for some time at Castel Gondolfo, in the midst of the French army.

The General, satisfied with this reply, returned to Rome, persuaded that the Pope would shortly be in the midst of the French army, and he sent the announcement of these glad tidings to Paris. But the report of the mal-government of the Cardinals, and the contumacy of the Court, had already reached Paris, and occasioned great regret to the President of the Republic, and those Ministers who had promised themselves the gratitude and obedience of the clergy, if not the satisfaction of the people, by the taking of Rome. They believed that the Assembly, though it might be inclined to acts of repression, and was greatly averse to liberal reforms, would nevertheless be agitated by contrary feelings, as soon as it had to debate on the expenses of the Roman expedition, and would not be inclined to accommodate itself to those measures which the Catholic party approved. With what face could Barrot justify the restoration of those abuses which he had condemned in Parliament? In what In what way would he make it appear that the expedition had produced the fruits of liberty? How would he be able to maintain the promise he had solemnly given, not to use power, so long as he possessed a grain of it, to the injury of free institutions?