striving to restore it. In this way, and not through the influence of the stars, we may explain the actual succession of events, and the rising fortunes of the Napoleon family; because the nephew of Napoleon, whilst securing the repose desired by all, permitted the lower orders to hope for the gratification of those desires which were the sole moving cause of the late revolution, or at least the only flag under which all parties fought; and because, in the return to the past, he is more nearly allied than any other candidate to the people, and to that great revolution which finished at Napoleon, who consolidated its foundations, and covered it with glory. The revolution at the close of the last century, prepared by the vices of the court and the clergy, headed by philosophy and literature, and facilitated by the hunger of the people, was set in motion by reforms, which, whether they were political, or economic, or civil, effected a real radical change in the then conditions of society. Then it took root in the people, and necessarily extended to the populace who required a social change, and the populace submitted to its tyranny, until they were so wearied that they gave themselves up, according to their custom, to a despot. Weary, not of the revolution, its troubles, and risks, but as they had already reaped its fruits in the emancipation of labour, civil equality, participation in all civic rights and honours, they had no longer any impelling cause to expose themselves to risks and trouble for forms of government which they regard but little, seeing that they do not understand them. But, although the Constituent Assembly of 1848,

thanks to universal suffrage, was stationary and retrograde, yet as it was still near its origin, and, in one of the articles of the Constitution, had made a law that the Republic should not carry arms against other nations who wished to attain to national independence, it was ashamed to undertake the enterprise of putting down the Roman Republic, and was much disturbed by the news of the battle which French soldiers had fought, with such unfortunate results, under the walls of Rome. Add to this, that every Assembly near the termination of its existence is naturally less amenable to Government, because the deputies think less of gratifying it, than of humouring their constituents, and because they give free scope to their natural inclinations, jealous of all interference, as well as to private resentment; therefore not only did the Republican Socialists get into a passion, but the very men who had consented in Parliament, that the monarchical and Catholic party should carry out the expedition to Cività Vecchia, either stood aloof or spoke angrily against it. Jules Favre, one of these, said on the 7th of May, that the Ministers, who had mised that the French soldiers should protect Italy from Austrian fury, had sent them to fight against the Romans; and when some deputies exclaimed that it was not against the Romans, but against foreigners, they had fought, he concluded in these words:

pro

"They are Romans, not foreigners, who take up arms against us, because we are foreigners at Rome; they are Romans who take up arms against that sacerdotal government, which, whatever may be said to the contrary, our troops would reimpose-Romans who are ready to die-Romans who have died.

Do you call them foreigners? Do you call them a horde of adventurers? To-morrow, probably, you will call those brigands, who have not permitted the soil of their country to be contaminated with impunity by foreign soldiers. Pretty ideas, upon my honour! When it was announced from this tribune that our soldiers had landed in Italy to defend liberty, to restore order, to correct anarchy, the truth then was not spoken, or another object was secretly in view. Certain commissions have been issued, under what influence I know not, so doubtful in their wording that they afford latitude for attempting any enterprise whatever: they are, as it were, a carte blanche, on which the Cardinals may write with the greatest ease the list of the proscribed, and of those condemned to death. It was said from this tribune (the Moniteur is my authority)the words of the Minister of Justice do not leave the shadow of a doubt about it; those of General Lamoricière are most distinct-it was said, that nothing would be attempted against the Roman people; that we were taking up arms against the influence of Austria and the King of Naples. Now what cause have you served? For whom have you shed the blood of your brave officers and soldiers? For whom the Italian blood, the blood of that noble nation to whom you showed so much sympathy? That blood has been shed in behalf of the Pope, and of absolutism. France, who sent her soldiers into America to fight against English tyranny, was always, when she was guided by men worthy of her, the champion of liberty and of generous. ideas-what have you done with France? You have made her the gendarme of absolutism."

Many and still more violent speeches followed, to which Barrot, the President of the Council, replied that the proclamation of General Oudinot, in which the Italians were called by the name of brothers, and the French were said to be sent into Italy, in the character of auxiliaries in the great cause of liberty, was the composition of the Minister for Foreign Affairs,

66

by which he intended to show the liberal intentions of Government. France," he concluded, "cannot enter Italy, as every one must know, except in the interests of liberty." And, as one amongst the numerous accusations brought against him was this, that he ought not to have given any order to move upon Rome, he proceeded:

"Do you forget, then, under what condition we gave that order? . . . . What was the object of our Italian enterprise? I appeal to the memory of all, and to the dictates of common sense-the object was to place a weight in the balance in which were weighed the destinies of Italy, to secure to the Roman people the conditions of good government and just liberty; conditions which would have been impaired by reaction or by foreign intervention. Now, I repeat, that, in order to obtain this double object, it was necessary to occupy a strong position in

the Roman States."

He then denied expressly that General Oudinot had been ordered to attack the Roman Republic, saying:

"The question is this-Have we given the General an order to attack the Roman Republic? That is the question we have to go into. I invoke the testimony of all who have read the written commission, and I ask them if there is in it a single indication of such an order. It is said that General Oudinot must have intimated to the Roman Government that it ought to resign, and I demand that the proof of such an intimation should be brought forward. It does not exist."

I do not think it necessary to give further details of what took place between the accusers and defenders of the Government. Suffice it to consign to history the words with which the Committee selected to propose a resolution concluded their report:

"As to the movements of the army," they said, "it was clearly understood that it was to be quartered at Cività Vecchia,

the place chosen for the disembarkation, and that it was also to overcome any resistance it might meet with. But that, when it had proceeded thus far, we should await events, and should only march to Rome to preserve it from foreign intervention or from the excesses of a counter-revolution, as protectors and chosen arbitrators. Now the majority of your Committee, comparing the facts of which they have cognisance with all the statements which have been made to the Assembly, and with the declarations, on the strength of which it made its decision, have come to the conclusion that the direction given to the enterprise has not been conformable to the intention with which it was proposed and accepted; consequently, they have the honour to submit to you the following resolution:-The National Assembly invites the Government to make, without delay, the necessary arrangements, in order that the Italian expedition may not deviate from the object that was proposed to it."

The Assembly approved the resolution by 388 votes against 241. The Ministers were so satisfied with the result (some of them in reality, others only in appearance) that they determined forthwith to dispatch an Envoy to Rome in order to carry it into execution, and M. Drouyn de l'Huys sent for M. Ferdinand Lesseps, and offered him the office in the name of the Government. Having accepted it, and undertaken to do all in his power to reduce the enterprise to the purpose originally assigned to it, in compliance with the wishes of the Assembly, the Minister advised him to proceed to Rome in company with Accursi, and gave him his instructions couched in the following terms :

"As the events which have taken place in consequence of the French expedition to Cività Vecchia, are of a nature to complicate a question, which at first appeared very simple, the Government of the Republic has thought it desirable to associate with the General in command of the forces sent into Italy a