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reckless of the consequences of their attempts: in the same way as We find Buonaparte to have invariably demeaned himself affably and kindly to the common soldiers, while over the officers, he swaggered in a manner progressively despotic in proportion to the highness of their rank.

In the republics of Greece and Rome we find the exclamations against the oppressions and exactions of the rich a hundred times more vehement than in any state in modern times; and their ing justice and even cruelty to each other were often such, that we cannot now look on without indignation and disgust. Such things will always happen whenever an equality of rights is sup: posed to exist; for generally every one will be there endeavoring to master his opponent by any means, whether fair or foul, likely to attain his object, knowing that as long as the old adage holds good of " what is every body's business is nobody's,” he may consequently continue his iniquitous deeds unmolested, when the public are not powerfully interested in their issue, and there is no individual of sufficient independent power in the state to controk the actions of every other individual in it.. Have we not an apt illustration of what I speak of in the recent murder committed by the son of the governor of Kentucky. Could such a thing poso sibly have taken place in any of our British colonies, where the governor does not depend on the influential families in them for his continuance in office? The necessity of the kingly power is therefore obvious, not only to secure justice to the poor against the oppressions of the rich, seeing it is the interest of kings to lean towards the former, but also to control and break up the vari ous factions that may start up to endanger the safety of the state. If the mere consciousness of a descent from a virtuous and honor. able line tends to infuse the same feelings into the breast of mang the farther consciousness of having the family merit acknowleged and rewarded by the sovereign amid the accorded applause of the nation at large, must tend, still farther to propagate and strengthen these sentiments ;jand when, therefore, the honors of nobility are conferred for deserving actions, the nation at large must reap some benefit from it too in the course of conduct followed by the line of individuals on whom such honors were conferred. Nobility too is the cheapest, and generally the most agreeable reward that can be conferred on deservinig merit:; while it is also the most effectual way to silences a rich and seditious demagogue, by withdrawing him from the atena in which his wealth and his mischievous abilities could alone make him dangerous. There is something tood in the contemplation of the actions of great and good men, which draws a us with irresistible sympathy towards not only those bearing otheir own distinguished name, but to the meanest telic belonging to them. We view the descendants of a famed and ancient name with the same warm and reverential feelings that the antiquarian views the mouldering ruins of some ancient castle, that recal the historic pageantry of the days of our forefathers, and the long train of noble deeds with which such are associated : bold must that heart be that could pass without emotion the descendants of the Shakspeares, the Miltons, the Pitts, the Nelsons, the Wellingtons, the Byrons, the Scotts, and other great men whose transcendant genius, or patriotic or martial exploits brighten the pages of our past history. Will the names of Wallace, Tell, Washington, and Bolivar, either fail to excite a glow of indescribable pleasure in the mind of man, while patriotism holds a place there. But while granting all the honorable qualifications which men of noble or genteel birth with some exceptions possess, it must be confessed that those exceptions (and most glaring ones some certainly are) are but too often taken as samples of the whole, and the general body to whom they belong thus lowered in the estimation of the unthinking part of the community in conse quence. The privileged classes considering themselves also as a distinct body from the people, are apt to view their interests as quite distinct too, and consequently feel always inclined to foil measures directed towards the public good, when supposed to trench on their interests or prerogatives. What indeed can be å greater defect in the government of a country, than that a minute fraction of its population should have the irresponsible power of counteracting the happiness of the many; or be more unjust and absurd than this very fraction possessing the privilege of voting by proxy on measures of the utmost importance to the interests of all, being on a par in point of rationality with the law that would admit of jutymen dispatching also their proxy-votes or circuit trials, without troubling themselves with personal attend ance to hear the evidence or the argumentative discussion on the case to illustrate it. All governments, however, being instituted solely for the public benefit, it is evident that whatever por tion of such governments inherits a power, or manifests a tendency to counteract the public interests, ought, in common equity between man and man, no longer to be permitted to exercise uncontrolled such an injurious influence. Nobility, it is universally admitted, was instituted as much with a view of setting a virtuous and patriotic example before the community, as it was to serve as a bulwark between the king and the people, and a reward for distinguished service. If nobles, therefore, set an example of profligacy instead of virtue to the people at large, they ought to be degraded from their station by a court of honor of their own body, and the nearest heir admitted to the title ; the


character of the nobility at large as well as the public good demanding this sacrifice. To make the nobility again amenable to public opinion, and blend their interests with those of the public at large, it would be well if in the creation of noblemen, if their right to sit in the Peers was restricted to their own life only, leaving their descendants to be elected to that body at every parliamentary dissolution by the county council, one or two noblemen being returned by each according to the population of the county. Noblemen sitting as members of that council, and noblemen again being returned to parliament by it, the effect above desired would be in a great measure attained ; and as the present race of nobility will be probably pretty near extinct in a few hundred years hence, the elective race will then form the great majority of this privileged body, the king still calling such of these nobility to parliament for life as he may deem fit. To prevent again any individual in the state possessing too much influence from the extent of his landed property, or any portion of the nobility sinking into poverty, and thereby degrading the whole, it would be well also if the landed property of every individual exceeding 20,000l. per annum was made to revert to the second heir after the decease of the individual who at present held, or in future acquired it; and that no individual could be raised to noble rank with the title descending to his posterity, under an income of less than 6000l. per annum. It is too much that the nation should be saddled with the maintenance of a pensioned pauper nobility, not only degrading to their own order, but injurious to the country at large, by constituting of a necessity the ready panders and tools of the government. If the body of our independent members of the Commons would set their face boldly against the granting of pensions to any of these pauper claimants in future, the body of the nobility would soon take measures to clear their order from the nuisance, when find. ing their dignity compromised by the Duke of keeping an oyster shop, or the Marquis of blacking 'boots on Tower Hill.

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Education-Defects of as applicable to the higher ranks—Views for remedying the same-Education of working-classes-Advantages of and views relative to a more beneficial mode of conducting it.

Much of the pride and haughtiness of our aristocracy may be ascribed to their secluded education in receptacles appropriated solely, to the children of the rich, and much of their frivolity and ignorance to their course of studies not being generally calculated

either to excite. deep thought or to store the mind, with useful information... The youth after being crammed at school with Greek, Latin, and other acquirements more ornamental than usea ful, is dispatched to college to fag on for several years more at the same, unprofitable drudgery. To be able to speak and ex pound Greek and Latin with the fluency and ability of one of the ancients may be requisite for a clergyman, or an individual in tending to devote his life to the abstruse elucidation of the dead languages, but can never be required for the son of a noblemar or country squire whose pursuits are necessarily, of a ,, very different stamp. The acquaintanceship with the languages that is gained at school is quite sufficient to answer all the purposes of general education, leaving the period passed at college to be devoted solely to objects calculated to be useful in future pursuits through life, and such as expand the mind, elevate the senti. ments, and fill our hearts with admiration and love for the great Author of our being, and the meanest of his unrivalled works. Studying and attending lectures on such like, as Mathematics Astronomy, Chemistry, Geology, Mineralogy, Botany, Natural History and Natural Philosophy, Agriculture, Political Economy, English Literature and Composition, and the Constitution and Laws of England (when Mr. Peel has accomplished the Augean task of making the latter intelligible), would be quite sufficient to emplos the whole of the student's time during the period of his sojourn, at the University; and being subjects generally as amusing as instructive, would prove more a recreation than a task. From the dry, study of Greek and Latin, neither amusement nor instruction to be turned to any use in ordinary life can possibly be drawn, see ing as complete a knowlege of the history and customs of these nations may be gleaned from translations, as from works in the original tongue; and indeed the forced study of such dry subjects for so long a period, is enough to disgust most . young men with

, study of any kind during the remainder of their lives. Nothing can prove a stronger evidence of the rigorous impartiality dealt out to all parties at our English Universities, than the fact of many of the sons of our principal nobility having been dismissed from them for being guilty of some of the foolish extravagancies of youth; while nothing again can more triumphantly prove the rigorous nature of the examinations, than the terror with which such inspire all the students there : fatal consequences frequently resulting from the alarm and anxiety experienced during the period' of preparation, and a sudden flight sometimes betokening the unwillingness of others to face the awful inquisitorial tribunals It is impossible for any youth to pass through the ordeal of these tribunals, without being thoroughly grounded in the subjects

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on which he is examined, and therefore no dunce need hope for an easy deliverance there; but yet if the students were more restricted in the amount of their allowances, their expenditure scrutinised, and kept within decent bounds, and their time so arranged that more of it could be devoted to study than'at present, much good would result therefrom. It is during that period of youth in which attendance on the University usually commencès, that good or bad habits are formed ; and the vices of dissipation and extravagance acquired there, are often such as fill with anguish the hearts of the parents, and embitter the future lives of the thoughtless youths themselves, while the greater portion of the student's time being taken up with dressing, dining, and attendance on prayers, there is little leisure left for sober study. The education of the working-classes has been objected to by many intelligent individuals, on the ground that it will make them discontented with their lot in life; but if this is made referable to their simple situation as operatives, no surmise was ever more unjust, as far as my own observation goes, having remarked, that in all the in stances of well-educated low life which came under my notice, the only difference it made consisted in a greater degree of personal pride being evinced by the individuals, causing them to assume a sort of superiority over their more ignorant asso ciates, and a distaste for their low and vulgar pleasures. If inquiry was made into the opinions of all those individuals inhumble life who of late have evinced such abilities and knowlege by their speeches at Manchester and elsewhere, which have been lauded even in parliament, it will, I have little doubt, be found that they are just as little infected with discontent at their situation in life, as the more ignorant multitude around them. It may very naturally be supposed that education will render individuals' more vain, proud, and discontented with their humble lot, when seeing the great body in their own line of life at such an abject distance in mental improvement below them ; but whatever truth may attach to this supposition (which, however, my own observation does not warrant), it is evident that the moment all the workingclasses become equally enlightened, these feelings will cease to existu

! If, however, it be said that education would have the effect of making the working-classes discontented with their present political degradation, no surmise could be more just; and probably this is the secret cause of the opposition professed by many to this philanthropic attempt; while others again may feel jealous that those moving in so very inferior a sphere to themselves should be their equals, if not their superiors in point of knowlegels for it is one of the base principles implanted in our nature, that few are possessed of sufficiently generous or elevated sentiments: VOL. XXVIII. Pam. NO. LV.


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